滅共四騎士演講之三:司法部長巴爾在杰拉爾德·R·福特總統博物館演講全文(2020.07.16)

0
193

Attorney General Barr: Thank you very much, Andrew for that very kind introduction and I’d like to say that I really appreciate the work that Andrew and Matt, the U.S. Attorney’s for the Eastern and Western District of Michigan are doing here for the people of Michigan and all the law enforcement community from Michigan, that is here today. We really appreciate your work and as Andrew said, after my remarks they are going to put on a presentation, on the China Initiative which I think you’d find very interesting, so if you have the time I’d urge you to stay for that. And I would like to thank the leadership and staff of the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Museum — especially Elaine Didier — for hosting this event, and also thank the Ford Presidential Foundation and its Executive Director Joe Calvaruso. Even under normal circumstances, it’s hard to put together an event like this, but in the current circumstances it’s especially challenging and I really appreciate it. And I rea¬¬¬lly appreciate all of you who’ve come, I know many have come from around the state and I appreciate the effort that was made to be here for these remarks.

司法部長巴爾:安德魯,非常感謝你的熱情介紹,我想說我真的很感謝安德魯和馬特,密西根東部和西部地區的檢察官,感謝他們倆為密西根人民所做的工作,我也感謝今天在這裡的所有的密西根執法部門的同仁們。在座的各位,我們真的很感謝你們的工作,就像安德魯剛說的,等下等我講完後他們有一個關於“中國倡議”的介紹,你們會發現這個介紹很有趣,所以如果你們有空的話我強烈建議你們等會聽一下。另外我還要感謝吉羅德·R·福特博物館的領導和員工們,特別是館長伊萊恩·迪迪埃,感謝她主持了今天的活動。我還要特別感謝福特總統基金會和執行董事喬·卡爾瓦盧梭。即使在通常情況下,舉辦這種活動也是個挑戰,何況在當前(疫情)情況下,更加具有挑戰性,真的很感謝你們。我真的很感謝你們的到來,我知道今天的觀眾有很多是從全國各地趕過來的,感謝你們冒著風險長途跋涉過來聽我的演講。

I was last in Grand Rapids maybe 30 years ago John. John Smietanka from here was one of my Principal Deputies when I was Deputy Attorney General, then stayed on while I was Attorney General. He was the Attorney here in the Western District, so John it’s great to see you here.

我上次在急流城大概是在30年前,那時約翰,約翰·斯密坦卡是我的其中一個首席代表,我當時是副司法部長,然後我一直呆到升任(第77任)司法部長。他那時候是這邊西部地區的檢察官,約翰,很高興再次在這裡見到你。

I feel a special bond to the Ford Administration so it’s appropriate to be here today, for these remarks, because I started out in the CIA in 1973 and then President Ford took office and because of what was going on at the agency, I had the privilege of working closely with many of the superb people that he brought into government, many of whom I had the opportunity to work with over the years, and several of whom were my mentors. One of the people I met was the Attorney General, at that time, Ed Levi who President Ford made Attorney General and his portrait is up in my conference room and his grandson Will Levi is my Chief of Staff. So, as I say, I feel especially close to the Ford Administration and though I wasn’t a political appointee in that administration, many of the political appointees that I’ve worked with over the years, really cut their teeth during the Ford Administration.

我覺得我和福特總統的管理團隊有著特別的淵源,所以我今天在這裡做演講很合適,我是1973年加入CIA,然後不久福特總統便入主白宮,因為所處職務的關係,我能夠有機會緊密地和福特總統麾下的很多牛人一起共事,我和他們很多人共事很多年,其中有些人還是我的導師。其中一個人是司法部長,那時候,埃德·李維被福特總統任命為司法部長,他的畫像就掛在我的會議室裡,而他的孫子威爾·李維現在是我幕僚長。所以正如我說的,我對福特總統那屆政府團隊感覺特別親切,雖然我不是在福特總統那屆政府被委任(司法部長),但很多我打交道多年的被總統委任的官員,都是從福特總統這屆政府開始從涉足政壇的。

It is a privilege to be here to speak about what may prove to be the most important issue for our nation and the world in the twenty-first century — that is, the United States’ response to the global ambitions of the Chinese Communist Party.  The CCP rules with an iron fist over one of the great ancient civilizations of the world. It seeks to leverage the immense power, productivity, and ingenuity of the Chinese people to overthrow the rule-based international system and to make the world safe for dictatorship. How the United States responds to this challenge will have historic implications and will determine whether the United States and its liberal democratic allies will continue to shape their own destiny or whether the CCP and its autocratic tributaries will control the future. 

很榮幸地在此談論一個很可能是二十一世紀對我們國家和世界最重要的話題,即,美國怎樣應對中國共產黨的全球野心。中共用鐵腕統治著曾是世界文明古國之一的中國。它試圖利用中國人民的巨大力量、生產力和創造力,來推翻基於規則的國際體系,讓其獨裁政權暢行於世。美國如何應對這一挑戰將具有歷史意義,並將決定到底是由美國及其民主盟友繼續塑造我們自己的命運,還是由中共及其獨裁小兄弟們來控制(世界的)未來。

Since the 1890’s, at least, the United States has been the technological leader of the world. And from that prowess, has come our prosperity, the opportunity for generations of Americans and our security. It’s because of that that we were able to play such a pivotal role in world history, by turning back the threat of fascism and the threat of communism. What’s at stake these days is whether we can maintain that leadership position and that technological leadership. Are we going to be the generation that has allowed that to be stolen- which is really stealing the future of our children and our grandchildren?

至少從1890年以來,美國一直是全球的技術領軍者。這種超凡的技術實力給我們帶來了繁榮、歷代美國人的機遇和安全。正因如此,我們才得以在世界歷史上發揮關鍵性的作用,包括打敗法西斯主義和共產主義的威脅。如今,迫在眉睫的問題是,我們能否繼續維持領導地位和技術領先地位。我們這一代人難道要讓這一切被(中共)偷走嗎?偷走我們子孫的未來嗎?

Several weeks ago, the National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien spoke about the CCP’s ideology and global ambitions.  He declared, and I agree, that “[t]he days of American passivity and naivety regarding the People’s Republic of China are over.” Last week, FBI Director Chris Wray described how the CCP pursues its ambitions through nefarious and even illegal conduct, including industrial espionage, theft, extortion, cyberattacks, and malign influence activities. In the coming days, you will hear from Secretary of [State] Mike Pompeo, who will sum up what is at stake for the United States and the free world. 

幾周前,國家安全顧問羅伯特·奧布萊恩談到了中共的意識形態和全球野心。我同意他所說的:“美國人對中(華人民)共(和)國被動和天真的時代已經結束了。”上周,聯邦調查局局長克裡斯·雷描述了中共如何通過其險惡,甚至是違法的行為來實現其其野心:包括工業間諜、盜竊、敲詐勒索、網路攻擊和惡意左右民意等。在接下來的幾天,你們會聽到國務卿麥克·蓬佩奧的講話,他將綜述美國和自由世界面臨的迫在眉睫的威脅。

Now, Chris Wray, told me that shortly after his speech last week, one of the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party pronounced that his speech was particularly disgusting. I told him that I was going to aim to be despicable, but I’ll settle for especially disgusting. But no matter how the Chinese seek to characterize it I do hope that my speech and Mike Pompeo’s speech will encourage the American people to reevaluate their relationship with China. So long as it continues to be ruled by the Chinese Communist Party.

後來,克裡斯·雷對我說,上周他演講後不久,中國共產黨的一位領導人稱他的講話“著實令人噁心”。我對他說今天的演講本來打算弄個 “卑鄙”的評價的,但我現在覺得我得爭取做到 “特別令人噁心”。但不管中方如何評論,我確實希望我今天的演講,和麥克·龐培奧的演講能夠鼓勵美國人民,只要共產黨繼續統治中國,那麼美國人民就要重新審視與中國的關係。

It is fitting that we’re here today at the Ford Presidential Museum. Gerald Ford served in the highest echelons of the government at the dawn of America’s reengagement with China. Which began with President Nixon’s historic visit in 1972.  Three years later, in 1975, President Ford visited China for a summit with PRC leaders including Mao Zedong.    

我們今天相聚在福特博物館,我覺得非常合乎時宜。美中重新建交之初,吉羅德·福特擔任了美國政府的最高職位。美國與中國重新建交始於1972年尼克森總統的歷史性訪問,三年後的1975年,福特總統訪問中國,與包括毛澤東在內的中共國領導人舉行了峰會。

At the time, it was unthinkable that China would emerge after the Cold War as a near peer competitor of the United States.  Yet even then, there were signs of China’s immense latent power.  In the joint report of their visit to China in 1972, House Majority Leader Hale Boggs and then-Minority Leader Gerald Ford wrote: “If she manages to achieve as she aspires, China in the next half century can emerge a self-sufficient power of a billion people …. This last impression—of the reality of China’s colossal potential—is perhaps the most vivid of our journey.  As our small party traveled through that boundless land, this sense of a giant stirring, a dragon waking, gave us much to ponder.” It is now nearly fifty years later, and the prescient ponderings of these two congressmen have come to pass. 

當時,誰也想不到中國會在冷戰後崛起成為一個幾乎可以與美國匹敵的競爭者。但即使那個時候,中國巨大的潛在力量已經有跡可循。在1972年眾議院多數党領袖海爾·柏格斯和時任少數黨領吉羅德·袖福特的合著報告中寫道:“如果中國通過努力達成心願,那麼未來五十年左右,她將成為一個十億人自給自足的國家…中國的巨大潛力留給我們的最終印象,或許是我們行程中最生動的一幕。當我們這一小撥人在那無邊無際的土地上穿行時,這種巨大的觸動,巨龍的蘇醒,讓我們陷入深思。”現在已經過去快五十年了,這兩位國會議員先見之明的思考已經變成了現實。

Deng Xiaoping, whose economic reforms launched China’s remarkable rise, had a famous motto: “hide your strength bide your time.”[4] That is precisely what China has done.  China’s economy has quietly grown from about 2 percent of the world’s GDP in 1980 to nearly 20 percent today.  By some estimates, based on purchasing power parity, Chinese economy is already larger than ours.  The General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping, who has centralized power to a degree not seen since the dictatorship of Mao Zedong, now speaks openly of China moving “closer to center stage,” “building a socialism that is superior to capitalism,” and replacing the American Dream with the “Chinese solution.” China is no longer hiding its strength, nor biding its time. From the perspective of its communist rulers, China’s time has arrived.

鄧小平的經濟改革開啟了中國驚人的崛起,他有一句名言:“韜光養晦。” [4]這正是中國以前一直所做的。中國經濟占世界GDP的比重已從1980年 2%悄然增長到今天的近20%。依據購買力平價估算,中國經濟已經超越了我國。中共中央總書記習近平的集權達到了繼毛澤東專政之後前所未見的程度,現在,他公開地表明中國正在“走近世界舞臺中央”,“建設比資本主義更具優越性的社會主義(體制) ”,並用“中國方案”代替“美國夢”。中國現在不再韜光,也不再養晦。在中共統治者看來,中國的時代已經到來。

The People’s Republic of China is now engaged in an economic blitzkrieg—an aggressive, orchestrated, whole-of-government (indeed, whole-of-society) campaign to seize the commanding heights of the global economy and to surpass the United States as the world’s preeminent superpower.  A centerpiece of this effort is the Communist Party’s “Made in China 2025” initiative, a plan for PRC domination of high-tech industries like robotics, advanced information technology, aviation, electric vehicles, and many other technologies. Backed by hundreds of billions of dollars in subsidies, this initiative poses a real threat to U.S. technological leadership.  Despite World Trade Organization rules prohibiting quotas for domestic output, “Made in China 2025” sets targets for domestic market share (sometimes as high as 70 percent) in core components and basic materials for industries such as robotics and telecommunications. It is clear that the PRC seeks not merely to join the ranks of other advanced industrial economies, but to replace them altogether. “Made in China 2025” is the latest iteration of the PRC’s state-led, mercantilist economic model.  For American companies in the global marketplace, free and fair competition with China has long been a fantasy.  To tilt the playing field to its advantage, China’s communist government has perfected a wide array of predatory and often unlawful tactics: currency manipulation, tariffs, quotas, state-led strategic investment and acquisitions, theft and forced transfer of intellectual property, state subsidies, dumping, cyberattacks, and industrial espionage.  About 80% of all federal economic espionage prosecutions allege conduct undertaken for the benefit of the Chinese state, and about 60% of all trade secret theft cases have been connected to China. 

中(華人民)共(和)國現在正在進行一場經濟閃電戰,一場極具侵略性、精心策劃的、整個政府(實際上是整個社會)參與的戰爭,以搶佔全球經濟的制高點並超越美國成為世界一流的超級大國。這一努力的核心是共產黨的“中國製造2025”計畫,目的是中共國對機器人技術、先進資訊技術、航空和電動汽車,以及很多其他高科技產業的絕對控制。在數千億美元的政府補貼支持下,這項計畫對美國的技術領先地位構成了真正的威脅。儘管世界貿易組織規定禁止(成員國對)國內產出制定配額,“中國製造2025”卻依然為機器人和電信等行業的核心元件和基本材料的國內市場份額設定了目標(有時高達70%)。顯然,中國不僅想要躋身先進工業經濟體的行列,而且還試圖完全取代它們。“中國製造2025”是中共國家主導的重商主義經濟模式的最新版本。對於全球市場中的美國公司而言,與中國進行自由、公平的競爭一直以來都是幻想。為了在競爭中佔據優勢,中共政府有一整套完善的、掠奪性的,且多為非法的戰術:匯率操縱、關稅、配額、國家主導的戰略投資和收購、盜竊和強迫轉讓智慧財產權、國家財政補貼、傾銷、網路攻擊和工業間諜活動。在所有聯邦經濟間諜訴訟案中,大約80%的被指控行為涉及中國政府的利益,而在所有商業竊密案中,大約60%與中國有關。

The PRC also seeks to dominate key trade routes and infrastructure in Eurasia, Africa, and the Pacific. In the South China Sea, for example, through which about one-third of the world’s maritime trade passes, the PRC has asserted expansive and historically dubious claims to nearly the entire waterway, flouted the rulings of international courts, built artificial islands and placed military outposts on them, and harassed its neighbors’ ships and fishing boats. 

中共國還試圖掌控歐亞大陸、非洲和太平洋地區的主要貿易路線和基礎設施建設。例如,在南中國海,約有全球三分之一的海上貿易途經該海域,中共國宣稱對幾乎整個水路擁有大範圍的、歷史存疑的主張,無視國際法庭的裁決,建造了人工島,並在上面部署了軍事哨所,而且騷擾鄰國船隻和漁船。

Another ambitious project to spread its power and influence is the PRC’s “Belt and Road” infrastructure initiative.  Although billed as “foreign aid,” in fact these investments appear designed to serve the PRC’s strategic interests and domestic economic needs.  For example, the PRC has been criticized for loading poor countries up with debt, refusing to renegotiate terms, and then taking control of the infrastructure itself, as it did with the Sri Lankan port of Hambantota in 2017.  This is little more than a form of modern-day colonialism.

中共國用以擴張實力和影響的另一個具有野心的項目是其“一帶一路”基礎設施項目。儘管標榜為“對外援助”,但實際顯示這些援助是服務于中共國的戰略利益和國內經濟需求。例如,有人批評中共國致使窮國負債累累,拒絕重新談判,然後控制(該國的)基礎設施,就像2017年控制斯里蘭卡漢班托塔港所做的那樣。這基本就是現代殖民主義。

Just as consequential, however, are the PRC’s plans to dominate the world’s digital infrastructure through its “Digital Silk Road” initiative.  I have previously spoken at length about the grave risks of allowing the world’s most powerful dictatorship to build the next generation of global telecommunications networks, known as 5G.  Perhaps less widely known are the PRC’s efforts to surpass the United States in other cutting-edge fields like artificial intelligence. Through innovations such as machine learning and big data, artificial intelligence allows machines to mimic human functions, such as recognizing faces, interpreting spoken words, driving vehicles, and playing games of skill such as chess or the even more complex Chinese game of Go. In 2017 Beijing unveiled its “Next Generation Artificial Intelligence Plan,” a blueprint for leading the world in AI by 2030.  Whichever nation emerges as the global leader in AI will be best positioned to unlock not only its considerable economic potential, but a range of military applications, such as the use of computer vision to gather intelligence.

然而,與此相對應的是,中共國計畫通過其“數位絲綢之路”專案控制全球的數位基礎設施。我以前曾詳細談過讓世上最強大的獨裁政權建設下一代全球電信網路的嚴重風險,即是眾所周知的5G問題。然而或許鮮為人知的是,中共國還企圖在人工智慧等其它前沿領域超越美國。通過諸如機器學習和大資料等創新技術,(人工智慧)使機器能夠模仿人類的功能,例如人臉識別,口語翻譯,車輛駕駛以及玩象棋之類的技能遊戲,甚至是更為複雜的遊戲,中國圍棋。2017年北京發佈了“新一代人工智慧發展規劃”,一個在2030年時領先世界人工智慧技術的計畫藍圖。無論哪個國家崛起為人工智慧領域的全球領先者,都將佔據優勢,不僅能釋放巨大的經濟潛力,而且將開啟廣泛軍事用途,例如使用電腦視覺來收集情報等。

The PRC’s drive for technological supremacy is complemented by its plan to monopolize rare earth materials, which play a vital role in industries such as consumer electronics, electric vehicles, medical devices, and military hardware. According to the Congressional Research Service, from the 1960s to the 1980s, the United States led the world in rare earth production. “Since then, production has shifted almost entirely to China,” in large part due to lower labor costs and lighter environmental regulation. The United States is now dangerously dependent on the PRC for these essential materials. Overall, China is America’s top supplier, accounting for about 80 percent of our imports. The risks of dependence are real. In 2010, for example, Beijing cut exports of rare earth materials to Japan after an incident involving disputed islands in the East China Sea. The PRC could do the same to us.

中共國還通過壟斷稀土材料,來爭取技術的主導地位。稀土材料對諸如消費類電子產品、電動汽車、醫療設備和軍事硬體等產業至關重要。根據美國國會研究部門的資料,從1960年代到1980年代,美國在稀土生產方面居世界首位。“在那之後,生產幾乎全部轉移到了中國”,主要原因是廉價勞動成本和相對寬鬆的環保法規。美國現在完全依賴中國來獲得這些基礎材料,這是非常危險的。總體而言,中國作為美國的最大供應商,占到美國進口總量的約80%。這種依賴帶來的風險就在眼前。例如,2010年,在東海爭議島嶼事件發生之後,北京切斷了對日本的稀土材料出口。中共國同樣可以這麼對付我們。

As China’s progress in these critical sectors illustrates, the PRC’s predatory economic policies are succeeding. For a hundred years, America was the world’s largest manufacturer — allowing us to serve as the world’s “arsenal of democracy.”  China overtook the United States in manufacturing output in 2010. The PRC is now the world’s “arsenal of dictatorship.”

中國在這些關鍵領域的推進充分表明,中共國的掠奪式經濟政策正逐步取得成功。過去一百年,美國一直是世界上最大的製造商,這令我們成為世界“民主兵工廠”。而在2010年,中國的製造業產出超過了美國。現在中共國成了世界“獨裁兵工廠”。

How did China accomplish all this? No one should underestimate the ingenuity and industry of the Chinese people.  At the same time, no one should doubt that America made China’s meteoric rise possible. China has reaped enormous benefits from the free flow of American aid and trade. In 1980, Congress granted the PRC most-favored-nation trading status. In the 1990s, American companies strongly supported the PRC’s accession to the World Trade Organization and the permanent normalization of trade relations.  Today, U.S.-China trade totals about $700 billion. 

中國是如何做到這一切的?任何人都不應低估中國人民的才智和勤勞。同時,任何人都不應質疑是美國讓中國的迅速崛起成為可能。中國從暢通無阻的美國援助和貿易中獲得了巨大利益。1980年,國會授予中共國貿易最惠國地位。1990年代,美國公司強烈支持中共國加入世界貿易組織,並將貿易關係永久正常化。如今,美中貿易總額約為7000億美元。

Last year, Newsweek ran a cover story titled “How America’s Biggest Companies Made China Great Again.” The article details how China’s communist leaders lured American business with the promise of market access, and then, having profited from American investment and know-how, turned increasingly hostile. The PRC used tariffs and quotas to pressure American companies to give up their technology and form joint ventures with Chinese companies. Regulators then discriminated against American firms, using tactics like holding up permits.  Yet few companies, even Fortune 500 giants, have been willing to bring a formal trade complaint for fear of angering Beijing.

去年,《新聞週刊》發表了一篇封面文章,名為《美國的大公司是如何讓中國再次強大的》。這篇文章詳細介紹了中共領導人如何許以市場准入來誘惑美國企業,但是在利用美國的投資和技術獲利之後,(中共)變得越來越敵對。中共國利用關稅和配額向美國公司施壓,要求他們放開技術並與中國公司組建合資企業。然後,監管機構利用拖延頒發經營許可之類的手段歧視性對待美國公司。然而,出於害怕惹惱北京,很少有公司,甚至是《財富》500強企業,都不願意提出正式的貿易投訴。

Just as American companies have become dependent on Chinese markets, the United States as a whole now relies on the PRC for many vital goods and services.  The COVID-19 pandemic has shone a spotlight on that dependency. For example, China is the world’s largest producer of certain protective equipment, such as face masks and medical gowns. In March, as the pandemic spread around the world, the PRC hoarded the masks for itself, blocking producers — including American companies — from exporting them to other countries that needed them.  It then attempted to exploit the shortage for propaganda purposes, shipping limited quantities of often defective equipment and then requiring foreign leaders to publicly thank Beijing for these shipments.

不光美國公司對中國市場的依賴,現在整個美國在很多關鍵產品和服務方面都依賴于中共國。新冠病毒疫情已經讓人們看清了這種依賴程度。例如,中國是某些防護設備的全球最大生產國,如口罩和醫療防護服。當三月份疫情在全球的蔓延之時,中共國卻囤積了口罩,並阻止包括美國公司在內的各生產商向其他急需口罩的國家出口。然後它又試圖利用這種物資短缺的機會達到大外宣的目的,運送少量、且多有缺陷的防疫物資,借此要求外國領導人對北京的施捨公開表示感謝。

China’s dominance of the world market for medical goods goes beyond masks and gowns.  It has become the United States’ largest supplier of medical devices, while at the same time discriminating against American medical companies in China.  China’s government has targeted foreign firms for greater regulatory scrutiny, instructed Chinese hospitals to buy products made in China, and pressured American firms to build factories in China, where their intellectual property is more vulnerable to theft.  As one expert has observed, American medical device manufacturers are effectively “creating their own competitors.”

中國在世界醫療產品市場上的統治地位不僅限於口罩和防護服。它已成為美國最大的醫療設備供應商,但同時它歧視對待在華的美國醫療公司。中國政府針對外國公司設立更嚴格的監管審查,指使中國醫院購買中國製造的產品,並向美國公司施壓,要求它們在中國設廠,這樣就更容易竊取他們的智慧財產權。據一位專家觀察,美國醫療器械製造商實際上是在“給自己製造競爭對手”。

America also depends on Chinese supply chains in other vital sectors, especially pharmaceuticals.  America remains the global leader in drug discovery, but China is now the world’s largest producer of active pharmaceutical ingredients, known as “APIs.” As one Defense Health Agency official noted,“[s]hould China decide to limit or restrict the delivery of APIs to the [United States],” it “could result in severe shortages of pharmaceuticals for both domestic and military uses.”

美國在其它關鍵領域,尤其是醫藥製造方面,同樣依賴中國供應鏈。美國在醫藥開發方面保持世界領先,但中國現在是全球最大的活性藥物成分(API原料藥)的生產商。正如一名國防衛生局官員曾指出的:“如果中國決定減少或限制向[美國]提供原料藥,”這“可能會導致民用和軍用藥品的嚴重短缺。” 

To achieve dominance in pharmaceuticals, China’s rulers went to the same playbook they used to gut other American industries.  In 2008, the PRC designated pharmaceutical production as a “high-value-added-industry” and boosted Chinese companies with subsidies and export tax rebates. Meanwhile, the PRC has systematically preyed on American companies. American firms face well-known obstacles in the Chinese health market include drug approval delays, unfair pricing limitations, IP theft, and counterfeiting. Chinese nationals working as employees at pharma companies have been caught stealing trade secrets both in America and in China.  And the CCP has long engaged in cyber-espionage and hacking of U.S. academic medical centers and healthcare companies. 

為了在醫藥製造領域佔據統治地位,中國的統治者使用了摧毀美國其他產業時一樣的伎倆。2008年,中共國將醫藥生產定義為“高附加值產業”,用財政補貼和出口退稅刺激中國公司生產。與此同時,中共國體系性地掠奪美國公司。美國公司在中國醫療保健市場遭遇到眾所周知的阻撓,包括藥品審批延遲、不公平價格限制、智慧財產權盜竊和假冒產品。無論在美國還是中國的製藥公司,都有中國籍員工因盜竊商業秘密被捕。而中共長期以來一直從事針對美國學術醫療中心和醫療保健公司的網路間諜和駭客攻擊活動。

In fact, PRC-linked hackers have targeted American universities and firms in a bid to steal the IP related to coronavirus treatments and vaccines, sometimes disrupting the work of our researchers.  Having been caught covering up the coronavirus outbreak, Beijing is desperate for a public relations coup, and may hope that it will be able to claim credit for any medical breakthroughs.

實際上,與中共國有關聯的駭客已將美國各大學和公司作為攻擊目標,以竊取與冠狀病毒治療和疫苗相關的智慧財產權,還經常擾亂我們研究人員的工作。由於對冠狀病毒疫情的掩蓋行徑被揭發,北京迫切需要打一場公關翻身仗,同時也覬覦在醫學領域有自己的一份對抗病毒的 “貢獻”。

As all of these examples should make clear, the ultimate ambition of China’s rulers isn’t to trade with the United States.  It is to raid the United States. If you are an American business leader, appeasing the PRC may bring short-term rewards.  But in the end, the PRC’s goal is to replace you.  As a U.S. Chamber of Commerce report put it, “[t]he belief by foreign companies that large financial investments, the sharing of expertise and significant technology transfers would lead to an ever opening China market is being replaced by boardroom banter that win-win in China means China wins twice.”

所有這些實例都清楚地表明,中國統治階層的終極野心不是與美國做貿易。而是掠奪美國。如果你是美國商界領導者,姑息中共國可能會帶來短期回報。但最終,中共國的目標是取代你。正如美國商會的一份報告所述:“外國公司認為大規模金融投資、共用專業知識和重大技術轉讓會帶來永久開放的中國市場的想法,已經變成了董事會的笑話:在中國的雙贏,意思是中國贏兩次。”

Although Americans hoped that trade and investment would liberalize China’s political system, the fundamental character of the regime has never changed.  As its ruthless crackdown of Hong Kong demonstrates once again, China is no closer to democracy today than it was in 1989 when tanks confronted pro-democracy protesters in Tiananmen Square.  It remains an authoritarian, one-party state in which the Chinese Communist Party wields absolute power, unchecked by popular elections, the rule of law, or an independent judiciary.  The CCP surveils its own people and assigns them social credit scores, employs an army of government censors, tortures dissidents, and persecutes religious and ethnic minorities, including a million Uighurs detained in indoctrination and labor camps.

儘管美國人希望貿易和投資能夠讓中國的政治體系走向自由,但該政權的本質從未改變。其對香港的殘酷鎮壓再次表明,與1989年坦克在天安門廣場鎮壓民主抗議者的時候相比,今天的中國未曾向民主邁進一步。它依舊是一黨專制的獨裁國家,中國共產黨掌握絕對權力,不受民選、法治或獨立司法的制約。中共監視其本國人民,用社會信用評分制度給他們打分,雇用政府審查大軍,酷刑折磨異議人士,迫害宗教人士和少數民族,包括將一百萬維吾爾人關押在勞動營裡,並進行在思想灌輸和改造。

If what happened in China stayed in China, that would be bad enough. But instead of America changing China, China is leveraging its economic power to change America. As this Administration’s China Strategy recognizes, “the CCP’s campaign to compel ideological conformity does not stop at China’s borders.” Rather, the CCP seeks to extend its influence around the world, including on American soil.

即使這些事情只發生在中國,也已經夠惡劣了。但是,美國不但沒能改變中國,中國反而正利用其經濟實力來改變美國。如本屆政府對中國戰略認知所言:“中共強行統一意識形態的做法不僅限於中國境內。”相反,中共試圖向全世界擴大其影響,包括美國本土。

All too often, for the sake of short-term profits, American companies have succumbed to that influence—even at the expense of freedom and openness in the United States. Sadly, examples of American business bowing to Beijing are legion.

為了短期利益,很多美國公司屈服於(中共的)影響,甚至不惜以美國的自由和開放為代價。可悲的是,這種美國企業向北京屈膝的例子不勝枚舉。

Take Hollywood. Hollywood’s actors, producers, and directors pride themselves on celebrating freedom and the human spirit. And every year at the Academy Awards, Americans are lectured about how this country falls short of Hollywood’s ideals of social justice.  But Hollywood now regularly censors its own movies to appease the Chinese Communist Party, the world’s most powerful violator of human rights. This censorship infects not only the versions of movies that are released in China, but also many that are shown in United States’ theaters to American audiences.

就拿好萊塢為例。好萊塢演員、製片人和導演以頌揚自由和人文精神為榮。每年的奧斯卡頒獎典禮上,(他們)都會教育美國人,我們國家如何如何沒能做到好萊塢(所宣揚)的社會正義理念。但是,好萊塢現在定期審查自己的電影作品,來避免惹怒中共這個世界上最大的人權侵犯者。這種審查不僅會影響在中國發行的版本,而且還會影響許多美國觀眾在美國影院看到的電影。

For example, the hit movie World War Z depicts a zombie apocalypse caused by a virus.  The original version of the film reportedly contained a scene with characters speculating that the virus may have originated in China. But the studio, Paramount Pictures, reportedly told producers to delete the reference to China in the hope of landing a Chinese distribution deal. The deal never materialized.

例如,熱門電影《僵屍世界大戰》描述了由某種病毒引起的僵屍末日。據報導,這部電影的最初版本中有一個場景,是主人公推測該病毒可能起源於中國。但據報導,派拉蒙影業公司的製片廠為了與中國簽訂發行合約,讓製片人刪除了跟中國相關的內容。(儘管如此)這筆交易最終也未能落實。

In the Marvel Studios blockbuster Dr. Strange, filmmakers changed the nationality of a major character known as the “Ancient One,” a Tibetan monk in the comic books, changed it from Tibetan to Celtic.  When challenged about this, a screenwriter explained that “if you acknowledge that Tibet is a place and that he’s Tibetan, you risk alienating one billion people.” Or as the Chinese government might say “[w]e’re not going to show your movie because you decided to get political.”

在漫威的大賣影片《奇異博士》中,電影製片人將原漫畫中的西藏僧人、被稱為“古一”的重要角色的民族從藏族改為凱爾特人。當受到質疑時,一位編劇解釋說:“如果你承認西藏是一個(獨立的)地方,承認他是個藏人,你就是在冒著疏遠十億人的風險。”或者,中國政府可能會說“因為你們牽涉政治,我們不能放映你的電影。”

These are just two examples of the many Hollywood films that have been altered, one way or another, to please the CCP. National Security Advisor O’Brien offered even more examples in his remarks.  But many more scripts likely never see the light of day, because writers and producers know not to even test the limits.  Chinese government censors don’t need to say a word, because Hollywood is doing their work for them.  This is a massive propaganda coup for the Chinese Communist Party.

這只是眾多好萊塢電影為了取悅中共而做出這樣那樣修改的兩個例子。國家安全顧問奧布萊恩在講話中列舉了更多例子。但是,因為作家和製作人知道甚至不能嘗試觸碰底線,很多劇本甚至連被看稿的機會都沒了。中國政府的審查員什麼都不用說,好萊塢會替他們把關。這是中共大外宣的巨大勝利。

The story of the film industry’s submission to the CCP is a familiar one. In the past two decades, China has emerged as the world’s largest box office. The CCP has long tightly controlled access to that lucrative market—both through quotas on American films, imposed in violation of China’s WTO obligations, and a strict censorship regime.  Increasingly, Hollywood also relies on Chinese money for financing.  In 2018, films with Chinese investors accounted for 20 percent of U.S. box-office ticket sales, compared to only 3 percent five years earlier.

電影行業臣服於中共的歷史我們耳熟能詳。在過去二十年裡,中國已成為全球最大的票房市場。中共利用包括違反世貿組織規定的,強制給美國電影實行配額制度的做法,和嚴格的審查制度,長期牢固地把控著進入這個暴利市場的管道。好萊塢也越來越多地依靠中國的資金支持。 2018年,中國投資者參與合作的電影占美國票房收入的20%,而五年前僅為3%。

But in the long run, as with other American industries, the PRC may be less interested in cooperating with Hollywood than in co-opting Hollywood—and eventually replacing it with its own homegrown productions. To accomplish this, the CCP has been following its usual modus operandi. By imposing a quota on American films, the CCP pressures Hollywood studios to form joint ventures with Chinese companies, who then gain U.S. technology and know-how.  As one Chinese film executive recently put it, “[e]verything we learned, we learned from Hollywood.” Notably, in 2019, eight of the 10 top-grossing films in China were produced in China.

但是從長遠來看,與美國其他行業一樣,中國對好萊塢興趣不在於合作,而是利用好萊塢,並最終用其本土作品代替它。為了實現這一目標,中共一直在故伎重演。中共通過對美國電影強加配額制度,向好萊塢製片廠施壓,要求他們與中國公司組建合資企業,並通過這些中國公司獲取美國的技術和知識。正如一位中國電影界高管最近所說:“我們會的東西都是跟好萊塢學的。”值得注意的是,2019年,中國票房前十的電影中有八部是在中國製作的。

Hollywood is far from alone in kowtowing to the PRC. America’s big tech companies have also allowed themselves to become pawns of Chinese influence. 

向中共國叩頭的遠不止好萊塢一家。美國各大科技公司也在為中國的影響力鞍前馬後。

In the year 2000, when the United States normalized trade relations with China, President Clinton hailed the new century as one in which “liberty will be spread by cell phone and cable modem.” Instead, over the course of the next decade, American companies such as Cisco helped the Chinese Communist build the Great Firewall of China—the world’s most sophisticated system for Internet surveillance and censorship.

當2000年美中實現貿易關係正常化時,克林頓總統曾熱情宣佈這將是一個“通過手機和有線互聯網傳播自由”的嶄新世紀。然而事與願違,在其後十年中,思科等美國公司幫中共打造了中國的防火牆,造就了世界上最複雜的網路監控和審查系統。

Over the years, corporations such as Google, Microsoft, Yahoo, and Apple have shown themselves all too willing to collaborate with the CCP.  For example, Apple recently removed the news app Quartz from its app store in China, after the Chinese government complained about the coverage of the Hong Kong democracy protests. Apple also removed apps for virtual private networks, which had allowed users to circumvent the Great Firewall, and eliminated pro-democracy songs from its Chinese music store.  Meanwhile, the company announced that it would be transferring some of its iCloud data to servers in China, despite concerns that the move would give the Communist Party easier access to e-mails, text messages, and other user information stored in the iCloud.

多年來,諸如穀歌、微軟、雅虎和蘋果等公司也表現出他們巴不得與中共合作。例如,在中國政府投訴了有關香港民主抗議活動的報導後,蘋果最近將新聞應用程式Quartz從中國區商店下架。蘋果還下架了可以讓用戶繞過防火牆使用的VPN,並從中國音樂商店中刪除了支援民主的歌曲。與此同時,蘋果公司不顧人們對共產黨可以更輕鬆地訪問雲存儲的電子郵件、文本消息和其他使用者資訊的擔憂,宣佈將其部分雲資料轉到中國境內的伺服器。

Recently, we were able to get into two cell phones used by the al Qaeda terrorist who shot eight Americans at the Pensacola Naval Air Station and during the gun fight with him, he stopped, disengaged, put his cell phones down and tried to destroy them shooting a bullet into one of his two cell phones and we thought that suggested that there might be very important information about terrorist activities in those cell phones. And for four and a half months we tried to get in without any help at all from Apple. Apple failed to give us any help getting into those cell phones. We were ultimately able to get in through a fluke that we will not be able to reproduce in the future where we found communications with al Qaeda operatives in the Middle East up to the day before the attack. Do you think, when Apple sells phones in China, that Apple phones in China are impervious to penetration by Chinese authorities? They wouldn’t be sold if they were impervious to Chinese authorities. And what we’ve asked for is when we have a warrant from a court we should be able to get into those cell phones. That is the double standard that has been emerging among American tech companies.

就在最近,我們才打開了在彭薩科拉海軍航空基地交戰並開槍射擊了八名美國人的基地組織恐怖分子用過的兩部手機。這名恐怖分子在交火過程中停下來,並試圖摧毀這兩部手機,其中一部手機還被子彈擊穿。我們當時認為,恐怖分子的舉動表明這些手機裡可能含有涉及恐怖活動的非常重要的資訊。我們整整花了四個半月時間,試圖讓蘋果公司提供幫助解鎖這些手機,然而蘋果沒有提供任何幫助。我們最終還是僥倖的找到了解決辦法,但是這種辦法未來未必可以複製。我們在手機裡找到了這位元恐怖分子與基地組織在中東的特工之間的通信聯絡,包括直到襲擊發生前一天的資訊。那麼,你認為當蘋果在中國銷售手機時,蘋果手機不會被中國當局滲透嗎?如果蘋果公司拒絕中國當局的滲透,他們的手機就根本沒法在中國繼續出售。我們(對蘋果公司)的要求是,當我們出示法院的授權令時,我們能夠(得到蘋果的幫助)來獲取手機裡的資訊。事情證明這些美國科技公司(在美國和中國)使用的是雙重標準。

The CCP has long used public threats of retaliation and barred market access to exert influence.  More recently, however, the CCP has also stepped up behind-the-scenes efforts to cultivate and coerce American business executives to further its political objectives — efforts that are all the more pernicious because they are largely hidden from public view. 

中共長期以來一直通過公開威脅報復和市場禁入的手段來施加影響。然而最近,中共也在加緊幕後動作,試圖結交和脅迫美國企業高管以實現其政治目標。這些行為危害更大,因為很多活動都隱藏在人們的視線之外。

As China’s government loses credibility around the world, the Department of Justice has seen more and more PRC officials and their proxies reaching out to corporate leaders and inveighing them to favor policies and actions favored by the Chinese Communist Party.  Their objective varies, but their pitch is generally the same: the businessperson has economic interests in China, and there is a suggestion that things will go better (or worse) for them depending on their response to PRC’s request. Privately pressuring and courting American corporate leaders to promote policies (or U.S. politicians) presents a significant threat, because hiding behind American voices allows the Chinese government to elevate its influence campaigns and put a “friendly face” on its pro-regime policies. The legislator or policymaker who hears from these American businessmen is properly more sympathetic to that constituent than to a foreigner. And by masking its participation in our political process, the PRC avoids accountability for its influence efforts and the public outcry that might result, if its lobbying were exposed.

隨著中國政府在全球範圍內喪失信譽,司法部也看到中共官員及其代理人不斷地與(美國)公司領導者接觸,誘使他們擁護對中共有利的政策和行動。他們的目標各不相同,但其口徑大同小異:(如果美國)商人在中國有經濟利益,暗示他們這些利益向著好(或壞)的方向發展取決於他們如何回應中共國的要求。通過私下向美國公司領導層施壓或討好他們來推行政策(或美國政客),這些手段(對美國)造成了嚴重威脅,因為躲在美國人的聲音背後,可以讓中國政府在增加影響力同時,還能給親共政策帶上 “友善”的假面孔。比起一個外國人,立法者或政策制定者當然更認同作為選民的美國商界人士的意見。通過掩飾其對我國政治進程的參與,當中共國的遊說行為被曝光時,它亦可以逃避其因試圖影響(美國)而引起的公眾抗議的責任。

America’s corporate leaders might not think of themselves as lobbyists.  You might think, for example, that cultivating a mutually beneficial relationship is just part of “guanxi” — or system of influential social networks—necessary to do business with the PRC. But you should be alert to how you might be used, and how your efforts on behalf of a foreign company or government could implicate the Foreign Agents Registration Act. FARA does not prohibit any speech or conduct. But it does require those who are acting as “agents” of foreign principals to publicly disclose that relationship and their political or other similar activities by registering with the Justice Department, allowing the audience to take into account the origin of the speech when evaluating credibility.

美國企業的領導層可能不認為自己是(中共的)說客。例如,你可能會認為,建立互惠只是與中共國開展業務所需的“關係”,即社會關係網,的一部分。但你要警惕你可能被利用,你代表一個外國公司或政府做出的努力可能觸及《外國代理人註冊法》。《外國代理人註冊法》不對任何言論或行為進行限制。但要求在為外國主體做“代理人”時,需要在司法部註冊,並公開披露與其的關係及其政治或其他類似活動,讓聽眾在評估言論的可信度時將其演講來源考慮在內。

By focusing on American business leaders, I don’t mean to suggest that they are the only targets of Chinese influence operations, but they are principal targets today of Chinese influence operations in the United States. The Chinese Communist Party also seeks to infiltrate, censor, or co-opt American academic and research institutions. For example, dozens of American universities host Chinese government-funded “Confucius Institutes,” which have been accused of pressuring host universities to silence discussion or cancel events on topics considered controversial by Beijing. Universities must stand up for each other; refuse to let the CCP dictate research efforts or suppress diverse voices; support colleagues and students who wish to speak their minds; and consider whether any sacrifice of academic integrity or freedom is worth the price of appeasing the CCP’s demands.

我說針對美國商界領導,並非意味著他們是中國影響力運作的唯一目標,但他們的確是中國當今在美國影響力運作的主要目標。中國共產黨還試圖滲透、審查或拉攏美國的學術和研究機構。例如,幾十個美國大學開設了中國政府資助的“孔子學院”,這些學院被指控給所在大學施壓,禁止討論或取消舉辦北京認為有爭議的主題活動。各大學必須站起來相互支持;拒絕中共對研究工作指手畫腳或打壓不同言論;支援希望發表自己看法的同行和學生;並斟酌以犧牲學術誠信或自由為代價滿足中共要求的做法是否值得。

In a globalized world, American corporations and universities alike may view themselves as global citizens, rather than as American institutions. But they should remember that what allowed them to succeed in the first place was the American free enterprise system, the rule of law, and the security afforded by America’s economic, technological, and military strength.

身處全球化的世界中,美國各公司和大學或許都將自己看成是世界公民,而不是美國機構。但他們應該記住,讓他們取得成功的首要因素是美國自由的企業制度、法制和由美國經濟、技術和軍事力量支撐的安全保障。

Globalization does not always point in the direction of greater freedom. A world marching to the beat of the Communist Chinese drums will not be a hospitable one for institutions that depend on free markets, free trade, or the free exchange of ideas.

全球化進程並非總是意味著更多自由。一個與中共步調一致的世界,並不歡迎那些依賴自由市場、自由貿易或自由思想交流的機構組織。

There was a time when American companies understood this. And they saw themselves as American and proudly defended American values.

過去,美國的公司曾深知這一點。他們視自己為美國人,並自豪地捍衛著美國價值。

In World War II, for example, the iconic American company, Disney, made dozens of public information films for the government, including training videos to educate American sailors on navigation tactics. During the war, over 90 percent of Disney’s employees were devoted to the production of training and public information films.  To boost the morale of America’s troops, Disney also designed insignia that appeared on planes, trucks, flight jackets, and other military equipment used by American and Allied forces.

例如,在第二次世界大戰中,美國標誌性公司迪士尼為政府製作了數十部公共宣傳片,包括向美國士兵教授航海戰略的培訓視頻。戰爭期間,迪士尼公司90%以上的員工致力於製作培訓和公共宣傳片。為了提振美軍士氣,迪士尼公司還設計了徽章,裝點在美軍和盟軍使用的飛機、卡車、飛行夾克和其他軍事裝備上。

I suspect Walt Disney would be disheartened to see how the company he founded deals with foreign dictatorships today. When Disney produced Kundun, the 1997 film about the PRC’s oppression of the Dalai Lama, the CCP objected to the project and pressured Disney to abandon it.  Ultimately, Disney decided that it couldn’t let a foreign power dictate whether it would distribute a movie in the United States.

我猜如果沃爾特·迪士尼看到他創立的公司是如何應對當今的外國獨裁政權時,他一定會感到很沮喪。1997年,迪士尼公司創作了《達賴的一生》,這是一部講述中共國對達賴喇嘛的迫害的電影。中共提出反對,並對迪士尼公司施壓放棄該影片。終於,迪士尼公司決定不能由外國勢力左右一部電影是否在美國發行。

But that moment of courage wouldn’t last. After the CCP banned all Disney films in China, the company lobbied hard to regain access.  The CEO apologized for Kundun, calling it a “stupid mistake.” Disney then began courting the PRC to open a $5.5 billion theme park in Shanghai. As part of that deal, Disney agreed to give the Chinese government officials a role in management. Of the park’s 11,000 full-time employees, 300 are active members of the Communist Party and they reportedly display hammer-and-sickle insignia at their desks and attend Party lectures at the facility during business hours.

但那時的勇氣並未傳承。當中共禁止所有迪士尼電影在華發行時,該公司艱難遊說以期重新獲得准入。其首席執行官為《達賴的一生》事件道歉,稱其為“愚蠢的錯誤’’。迪士尼公司隨後開始巴結中共國,要在上海投資55億美元建造主題公園。作為交易的一部分,迪士尼公司同意讓中國政府官員參與管理。在該主題公園1.1萬名全職雇員中,有300人是中共黨員。據報導他們辦公桌上擺著“錘子鐮刀”黨徽,並且在工作時間在狄斯奈樂園裡參加黨組織的講座。

Like other American companies, Disney may eventually learn the hard way the cost of compromising its principles. Soon after Disney opened its park in Shanghai, a Chinese-owned theme park popped up a couple hundred miles away featuring characters that, according to news reports, looked suspiciously like Snow White and other Disney trademarks.

像其他美國公司一樣,迪士尼公司最終可能嘗到在原則問題上妥協的慘痛代價。其上海的主題公園開業後不久,幾百英里外突然冒出一個中國人開的主題公園,據新聞報導,其角色看上去疑似白雪公主及其他迪士尼卡通人物。

American companies must understand the stakes. The Chinese Communist Party thinks in terms of decades and centuries, while we tend to focus on the next quarter’s earnings report. But if Disney and other American corporations continue to bow to Beijing, they risk undermining both their own future competitiveness and prosperity, as well as the classical liberal order that has allowed them to thrive. During the Cold War, Lewis Powell — later Justice Powell — sent an important memorandum to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. He noted that the free enterprise system was under unprecedented attack, and urged American companies to do more to preserve it.  “[T]he time has come,” he said, “indeed, it is long overdue—for the wisdom, ingenuity and resources of American business to be marshaled against those who would destroy it.”

美國公司必須明白其中的風險。中國共產黨思考問題著眼於幾十年和數百年,而我們傾向於關注下一個季度收益報告。但是,如果迪士尼和其他美國公司繼續向北京低頭,就可能損害其自身的未來競爭力和繁榮前景,以及讓它們蓬勃發展的傳統自由秩序。冷戰期間,路易士·鮑威爾,即後來的鮑威爾大法官,向美國商會發出了一份重要的備忘錄。他指出自由企業制度正在承受前所未有的攻擊,並敦促美國公司採取行動來保護這個制度。他說:“是時候了,事實上,早就應該將美國商界的智慧、獨創力和資源整合起來,來對抗那些想要毀掉這個體系的人。”

So too today.  The American people are more attuned than ever to the threat that the Chinese Communist Party poses not only to our way of life, but to our very lives and livelihoods.  And they will increasingly call out corporate appeasement.

今天亦是如此。美國人民比以往任何時候都更加意識到中國共產黨的威脅,不僅針對我們的生活方式,而且還是對我們的人生和生計的威脅。他們將越來越多地對企業的綏靖做法提出批評質疑。

If individual companies are afraid to make a stand, there is strength in numbers.  As Justice Powell wrote: “Strength lies in organization, in careful long-range planning and implementation, in consistency of action over an indefinite period of years, in the scale of financing available only through joint effort, and in the political power available only through united action and national organizations.” Despite years of acquiescence to communist authorities in China, America’s tech companies may finally be finding their courage through collective action. Following the recent imposition of the PRC’s draconian national security law in Hong Kong, many big tech companies, including Facebook, Google, Twitter, Zoom, and LinkedIn, reportedly announced that they would temporarily suspend compliance with government requests for user data. True to form, communist officials have threatened imprisonment for noncompliant company employees. We will see if these companies hold firm. And how long they hold firm. And I hope they do. If they stand together, they will provide a worthy example for other American companies in resisting the Chinese Communist Party’s corrupt and dictatorial rule.

如果單個公司害怕站出來,那人多力量大。正如鮑威爾大法官寫道:“力量來自於組織,有長期周密的規劃和實施,有長年的一致行動,有通過共同努力才能得到的融資規模,以及有通過聯合行動和全國性的統一組織才能獲得的政治力量。”儘管多年無奈地忍受著中共當局,美國各科技公司可以通過集體行動最終找到他們的勇氣。據報導,在近日中共國對香港實施嚴酷的國安法之後,許多大型科技公司,包括臉書、穀歌、推特、Zoom及領英都宣佈將暫停遵守提供使用者資料給政府的要求。不出所料,中共官員仍舊威脅要將不配合的公司員工進行關押。我們拭目以待這些公司能否堅持立場,並且能堅持多久。我希望他們能做到。如果他們團結一致,將為其他美國公司樹立一個抵制中國共產黨腐敗和獨裁統治的良好榜樣。

The CCP has launched an orchestrated campaign, across all of its many tentacles in Chinese government and society, to exploit the openness of our institutions in order to destroy them. To secure a world of freedom and prosperity for our children and our grandchildren, the free world will need its own version of a whole-of-society approach, in which the public and private sectors maintain their separation but work together collaboratively to resist domination and to win the contest for the commanding heights of the global economy. America has done that before. And if we rekindle our love and devotion for our country and each other, I am confident that we—the American people, the American government, and American business together—can do it again. Our freedom depends on it.

中共通過其政府和社會的各個觸角發動了一場精心策劃的戰爭,並利用我們機構的開放性來摧毀它們。為了確保我們的子孫後代擁有一個自由和繁榮的世界,自由世界需要有自己的全社會方法,既讓公共和私營部門保持基本不同,又能協同合作,來對抗統治,並在全球經濟制高點的競賽中獲勝。美國曾經做到過。如果我們重新燃起對我們國家和彼此的愛與忠誠,我堅信,我們,作為美國人民、美國政府和美國企業,凝聚在一起,必將再次成功。我們的自由取決於此。

出處:Attorney General Barr’s Remarks on China Policy at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Museum

翻譯:【GM65】【GM12】  校對整理:【嚕嚕咪】 字幕:【Naomi (文花開)】 編輯:【GM31】

戰友之家玫瑰園小隊出品

2
0 Comments
Inline Feedbacks
View all comments