灭共四骑士演讲之三:司法部长巴尔在杰拉尔德·R·福特总统博物馆演讲全文(2020.07.16)

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Attorney General Barr: Thank you very much, Andrew for that very kind introduction and I’d like to say that I really appreciate the work that Andrew and Matt, the U.S. Attorney’s for the Eastern and Western District of Michigan are doing here for the people of Michigan and all the law enforcement community from Michigan, that is here today. We really appreciate your work and as Andrew said, after my remarks they are going to put on a presentation, on the China Initiative which I think you’d find very interesting, so if you have the time I’d urge you to stay for that. And I would like to thank the leadership and staff of the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Museum — especially Elaine Didier — for hosting this event, and also thank the Ford Presidential Foundation and its Executive Director Joe Calvaruso. Even under normal circumstances, it’s hard to put together an event like this, but in the current circumstances it’s especially challenging and I really appreciate it. And I rea¬¬¬lly appreciate all of you who’ve come, I know many have come from around the state and I appreciate the effort that was made to be here for these remarks.

司法部长巴尔:安德鲁,非常感谢你的热情介绍,我想说我真的很感谢安德鲁和马特,密歇根东部和西部地区的检察官,感谢他们俩为密歇根人民所做的工作,我也感谢今天在这里的所有的密歇根执法部门的同仁们。在座的各位,我们真的很感谢你们的工作,就像安德鲁刚说的,等下等我讲完后他们有一个关于“中国倡议”的介绍,你们会发现这个介绍很有趣,所以如果你们有空的话我强烈建议你们等会听一下。另外我还要感谢杰拉尔德·R·福特博物馆的领导和员工们,特别是馆长伊莱恩·迪迪埃,感谢她主持了今天的活动。我还要特别感谢福特总统基金会和执行董事乔·卡尔瓦鲁索。即使在通常情况下,举办这种活动也是个挑战,何况在当前(疫情)情况下,更加具有挑战性,真的很感谢你们。我真的很感谢你们的到来,我知道今天的观众有很多是从全国各地赶过来的,感谢你们冒着风险长途跋涉过来听我的演讲。

I was last in Grand Rapids maybe 30 years ago John. John Smietanka from here was one of my Principal Deputies when I was Deputy Attorney General, then stayed on while I was Attorney General. He was the Attorney here in the Western District, so John it’s great to see you here.

我上次在大急流城大概是在30年前,那时约翰,约翰·斯密坦卡是我的其中一个首席代表,我当时是副司法部长,然后我一直呆到升任(第77任)司法部长。他那时候是这边西部地区的检察官,约翰,很高兴再次在这里见到你。

I feel a special bond to the Ford Administration so it’s appropriate to be here today, for these remarks, because I started out in the CIA in 1973 and then President Ford took office and because of what was going on at the agency, I had the privilege of working closely with many of the superb people that he brought into government, many of whom I had the opportunity to work with over the years, and several of whom were my mentors. One of the people I met was the Attorney General, at that time, Ed Levi who President Ford made Attorney General and his portrait is up in my conference room and his grandson Will Levi is my Chief of Staff. So, as I say, I feel especially close to the Ford Administration and though I wasn’t a political appointee in that administration, many of the political appointees that I’ve worked with over the years, really cut their teeth during the Ford Administration.

我觉得我和福特总统的管理团队有着特别的渊源,所以我今天在这里做演讲很合适,我是1973年加入CIA,然后不久福特总统便入主白宫,因为所处职务的关系,我能够有机会紧密地和福特总统麾下的很多牛人一起共事,我和他们很多人共事很多年,其中有些人还是我的导师。其中一个人是司法部长,那时候,埃德·李维被福特总统任命为司法部长,他的画像就挂在我的会议室里,而他的孙子威尔·李维现在是我幕僚长。所以正如我说的,我对福特总统那届政府团队感觉特别亲切,虽然我不是在福特总统那届政府被委任(司法部长),但很多我打交道多年的被总统委任的官员,都是从福特总统这届政府开始从涉足政坛的。

It is a privilege to be here to speak about what may prove to be the most important issue for our nation and the world in the twenty-first century — that is, the United States’ response to the global ambitions of the Chinese Communist Party.  The CCP rules with an iron fist over one of the great ancient civilizations of the world. It seeks to leverage the immense power, productivity, and ingenuity of the Chinese people to overthrow the rule-based international system and to make the world safe for dictatorship. How the United States responds to this challenge will have historic implications and will determine whether the United States and its liberal democratic allies will continue to shape their own destiny or whether the CCP and its autocratic tributaries will control the future. 

很荣幸地在此谈论一个很可能是二十一世纪对我们国家和世界最重要的话题,即,美国怎样应对中国共产党的全球野心。中共用铁腕统治着曾是世界文明古国之一的中国。它试图利用中国人民的巨大力量、生产力和创造力,来推翻基于规则的国际体系,让其独裁政权畅行于世。美国如何应对这一挑战将具有历史意义,并将决定到底是由美国及其民主盟友继续塑造我们自己的命运,还是由中共及其独裁小兄弟们来控制(世界的)未来。

Since the 1890’s, at least, the United States has been the technological leader of the world. And from that prowess, has come our prosperity, the opportunity for generations of Americans and our security. It’s because of that that we were able to play such a pivotal role in world history, by turning back the threat of fascism and the threat of communism. What’s at stake these days is whether we can maintain that leadership position and that technological leadership. Are we going to be the generation that has allowed that to be stolen- which is really stealing the future of our children and our grandchildren?

至少从1890年以来,美国一直是全球的技术领军者。这种超凡的技术实力给我们带来了繁荣、历代美国人的机遇和安全。正因如此,我们才得以在世界历史上发挥关键性的作用,包括打败法西斯主义和共产主义的威胁。如今,迫在眉睫的问题是,我们能否继续维持领导地位和技术领先地位。我们这一代人难道要让这一切被(中共)偷走吗?偷走我们子孙的未来吗?

Several weeks ago, the National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien spoke about the CCP’s ideology and global ambitions.  He declared, and I agree, that “[t]he days of American passivity and naivety regarding the People’s Republic of China are over.” Last week, FBI Director Chris Wray described how the CCP pursues its ambitions through nefarious and even illegal conduct, including industrial espionage, theft, extortion, cyberattacks, and malign influence activities. In the coming days, you will hear from Secretary of [State] Mike Pompeo, who will sum up what is at stake for the United States and the free world. 

几周前,国家安全顾问罗伯特·奥布莱恩谈到了中共的意识形态和全球野心。我同意他所说的:“美国人对中(华人民)共(和)国被动和天真的时代已经结束了。”上周,联邦调查局局长克里斯·雷描述了中共如何通过其险恶,甚至是违法的行为来实现其其野心:包括工业间谍、盗窃、敲诈勒索、网络攻击和恶意左右民意等。在接下来的几天,你们会听到国务卿麦克·蓬佩奥的讲话,他将综述美国和自由世界面临的迫在眉睫的威胁。

Now, Chris Wray, told me that shortly after his speech last week, one of the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party pronounced that his speech was particularly disgusting. I told him that I was going to aim to be despicable, but I’ll settle for especially disgusting. But no matter how the Chinese seek to characterize it I do hope that my speech and Mike Pompeo’s speech will encourage the American people to reevaluate their relationship with China. So long as it continues to be ruled by the Chinese Communist Party.

后来,克里斯·雷对我说,上周他演讲后不久,中国共产党的一位领导人称他的讲话“着实令人恶心”。我对他说今天的演讲本来打算弄个 “卑鄙”的评价的,但我现在觉得我得争取做到 “特别令人恶心”。但不管中方如何评论,我确实希望我今天的演讲,和麦克·庞培奥的演讲能够鼓励美国人民,只要共产党继续统治中国,那么美国人民就要重新审视与中国的关系。

It is fitting that we’re here today at the Ford Presidential Museum. Gerald Ford served in the highest echelons of the government at the dawn of America’s reengagement with China. Which began with President Nixon’s historic visit in 1972.  Three years later, in 1975, President Ford visited China for a summit with PRC leaders including Mao Zedong.    

我们今天相聚在福特博物馆,我觉得非常合乎时宜。美中重新建交之初,杰拉尔德·福特担任了美国政府的最高职位。美国与中国重新建交始于1972年尼克松总统的历史性访问,三年后的1975年,福特总统访问中国,与包括毛泽东在内的中共国领导人举行了峰会。

At the time, it was unthinkable that China would emerge after the Cold War as a near peer competitor of the United States.  Yet even then, there were signs of China’s immense latent power.  In the joint report of their visit to China in 1972, House Majority Leader Hale Boggs and then-Minority Leader Gerald Ford wrote: “If she manages to achieve as she aspires, China in the next half century can emerge a self-sufficient power of a billion people …. This last impression—of the reality of China’s colossal potential—is perhaps the most vivid of our journey.  As our small party traveled through that boundless land, this sense of a giant stirring, a dragon waking, gave us much to ponder.” It is now nearly fifty years later, and the prescient ponderings of these two congressmen have come to pass. 

当时,谁也想不到中国会在冷战后崛起成为一个几乎可以与美国匹敌的竞争者。但即使那个时候,中国巨大的潜在力量已经有迹可循。在1972年众议院多数党领袖海尔·博格斯和时任少数党领杰拉尔德·袖福特的合著报告中写道:“如果中国通过努力达成心愿,那么未来五十年左右,她将成为一个十亿人自给自足的国家…中国的巨大潜力留给我们的最终印象,或许是我们行程中最生动的一幕。当我们这一小拨人在那无边无际的土地上穿行时,这种巨大的触动,巨龙的苏醒,让我们陷入深思。”现在已经过去快五十年了,这两位国会议员先见之明的思考已经变成了现实。

Deng Xiaoping, whose economic reforms launched China’s remarkable rise, had a famous motto: “hide your strength bide your time.”[4] That is precisely what China has done.  China’s economy has quietly grown from about 2 percent of the world’s GDP in 1980 to nearly 20 percent today.  By some estimates, based on purchasing power parity, Chinese economy is already larger than ours.  The General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping, who has centralized power to a degree not seen since the dictatorship of Mao Zedong, now speaks openly of China moving “closer to center stage,” “building a socialism that is superior to capitalism,” and replacing the American Dream with the “Chinese solution.” China is no longer hiding its strength, nor biding its time. From the perspective of its communist rulers, China’s time has arrived.

邓小平的经济改革开启了中国惊人的崛起,他有一句名言:“韬光养晦。” [4]这正是中国以前一直所做的。中国经济占世界GDP的比重已从1980年 2%悄然增长到今天的近20%。依据购买力平价估算,中国经济已经超越了我国。中共中央总书记习近平的集权达到了继毛泽东专政之后前所未见的程度,现在,他公开地表明中国正在“走近世界舞台中央”,“建设比资本主义更具优越性的社会主义(体制) ”,并用“中国方案”代替“美国梦”。中国现在不再韬光,也不再养晦。在中共统治者看来,中国的时代已经到来。

The People’s Republic of China is now engaged in an economic blitzkrieg—an aggressive, orchestrated, whole-of-government (indeed, whole-of-society) campaign to seize the commanding heights of the global economy and to surpass the United States as the world’s preeminent superpower.  A centerpiece of this effort is the Communist Party’s “Made in China 2025” initiative, a plan for PRC domination of high-tech industries like robotics, advanced information technology, aviation, electric vehicles, and many other technologies. Backed by hundreds of billions of dollars in subsidies, this initiative poses a real threat to U.S. technological leadership.  Despite World Trade Organization rules prohibiting quotas for domestic output, “Made in China 2025” sets targets for domestic market share (sometimes as high as 70 percent) in core components and basic materials for industries such as robotics and telecommunications. It is clear that the PRC seeks not merely to join the ranks of other advanced industrial economies, but to replace them altogether. “Made in China 2025” is the latest iteration of the PRC’s state-led, mercantilist economic model.  For American companies in the global marketplace, free and fair competition with China has long been a fantasy.  To tilt the playing field to its advantage, China’s communist government has perfected a wide array of predatory and often unlawful tactics: currency manipulation, tariffs, quotas, state-led strategic investment and acquisitions, theft and forced transfer of intellectual property, state subsidies, dumping, cyberattacks, and industrial espionage.  About 80% of all federal economic espionage prosecutions allege conduct undertaken for the benefit of the Chinese state, and about 60% of all trade secret theft cases have been connected to China. 

中(华人民)共(和)国现在正在进行一场经济闪电战,一场极具侵略性、精心策划的、整个政府(实际上是整个社会)参与的战争,以抢占全球经济的制高点并超越美国成为世界一流的超级大国。这一努力的核心是共产党的“中国制造2025”计划,目的是中共国对机器人技术、先进信息技术、航空和电动汽车,以及很多其他高科技产业的绝对控制。在数千亿美元的政府补贴支持下,这项计划对美国的技术领先地位构成了真正的威胁。尽管世界贸易组织规定禁止(成员国对)国内产出制定配额,“中国制造2025”却依然为机器人和电信等行业的核心组件和基本材料的国内市场份额设定了目标(有时高达70%)。显然,中国不仅想要跻身先进工业经济体的行列,而且还试图完全取代它们。“中国制造2025”是中共国家主导的重商主义经济模式的最新版本。对于全球市场中的美国公司而言,与中国进行自由、公平的竞争一直以来都是幻想。为了在竞争中占据优势,中共政府有一整套完善的、掠夺性的,且多为非法的战术:汇率操纵、关税、配额、国家主导的战略投资和收购、盗窃和强迫转让知识产权、国家财政补贴、倾销、网络攻击和工业间谍活动。在所有联邦经济间谍诉讼案中,大约80%的被指控行为涉及中国政府的利益,而在所有商业窃密案中,大约60%与中国有关。

The PRC also seeks to dominate key trade routes and infrastructure in Eurasia, Africa, and the Pacific. In the South China Sea, for example, through which about one-third of the world’s maritime trade passes, the PRC has asserted expansive and historically dubious claims to nearly the entire waterway, flouted the rulings of international courts, built artificial islands and placed military outposts on them, and harassed its neighbors’ ships and fishing boats. 

中共国还试图掌控欧亚大陆、非洲和太平洋地区的主要贸易路线和基础设施建设。例如,在南中国海,约有全球三分之一的海上贸易途经该海域,中共国宣称对几乎整个水路拥有大范围的、历史存疑的主张,无视国际法庭的裁决,建造了人工岛,并在上面部署了军事哨所,而且骚扰邻国船只和渔船。

Another ambitious project to spread its power and influence is the PRC’s “Belt and Road” infrastructure initiative.  Although billed as “foreign aid,” in fact these investments appear designed to serve the PRC’s strategic interests and domestic economic needs.  For example, the PRC has been criticized for loading poor countries up with debt, refusing to renegotiate terms, and then taking control of the infrastructure itself, as it did with the Sri Lankan port of Hambantota in 2017.  This is little more than a form of modern-day colonialism.

中共国用以扩张实力和影响的另一个具有野心的项目是其“一带一路”基础设施项目。尽管标榜为“对外援助”,但实际显示这些援助是服务于中共国的战略利益和国内经济需求。例如,有人批评中共国致使穷国负债累累,拒绝重新谈判,然后控制(该国的)基础设施,就像2017年控制斯里兰卡汉班托塔港所做的那样。这基本就是现代殖民主义。

Just as consequential, however, are the PRC’s plans to dominate the world’s digital infrastructure through its “Digital Silk Road” initiative.  I have previously spoken at length about the grave risks of allowing the world’s most powerful dictatorship to build the next generation of global telecommunications networks, known as 5G.  Perhaps less widely known are the PRC’s efforts to surpass the United States in other cutting-edge fields like artificial intelligence. Through innovations such as machine learning and big data, artificial intelligence allows machines to mimic human functions, such as recognizing faces, interpreting spoken words, driving vehicles, and playing games of skill such as chess or the even more complex Chinese game of Go. In 2017 Beijing unveiled its “Next Generation Artificial Intelligence Plan,” a blueprint for leading the world in AI by 2030.  Whichever nation emerges as the global leader in AI will be best positioned to unlock not only its considerable economic potential, but a range of military applications, such as the use of computer vision to gather intelligence.

然而,与此相对应的是,中共国计划通过其“数字丝绸之路”项目控制全球的数字基础设施。我以前曾详细谈过让世上最强大的独裁政权建设下一代全球电信网络的严重风险,即是众所周知的5G问题。然而或许鲜为人知的是,中共国还企图在人工智能等其它前沿领域超越美国。通过诸如机器学习和大数据等创新技术,(人工智能)使机器能够模仿人类的功能,例如人脸识别,口语翻译,车辆驾驶以及玩象棋之类的技能游戏,甚至是更为复杂的游戏,中国围棋。2017年北京发布了“新一代人工智能发展规划”,一个在2030年时领先世界人工智能技术的计划蓝图。无论哪个国家崛起为人工智能领域的全球领先者,都将占据优势,不仅能释放巨大的经济潜力,而且将开启广泛军事用途,例如使用计算机视觉来收集情报等。

The PRC’s drive for technological supremacy is complemented by its plan to monopolize rare earth materials, which play a vital role in industries such as consumer electronics, electric vehicles, medical devices, and military hardware. According to the Congressional Research Service, from the 1960s to the 1980s, the United States led the world in rare earth production. “Since then, production has shifted almost entirely to China,” in large part due to lower labor costs and lighter environmental regulation. The United States is now dangerously dependent on the PRC for these essential materials. Overall, China is America’s top supplier, accounting for about 80 percent of our imports. The risks of dependence are real. In 2010, for example, Beijing cut exports of rare earth materials to Japan after an incident involving disputed islands in the East China Sea. The PRC could do the same to us.

中共国还通过垄断稀土材料,来争取技术的主导地位。稀土材料对诸如消费类电子产品、电动汽车、医疗设备和军事硬件等产业至关重要。根据美国国会研究部门的数据,从1960年代到1980年代,美国在稀土生产方面居世界首位。“在那之后,生产几乎全部转移到了中国”,主要原因是廉价劳动成本和相对宽松的环保法规。美国现在完全依赖中国来获得这些基础材料,这是非常危险的。总体而言,中国作为美国的最大供应商,占到美国进口总量的约80%。这种依赖带来的风险就在眼前。例如,2010年,在东海争议岛屿事件发生之后,北京切断了对日本的稀土材料出口。中共国同样可以这么对付我们。

As China’s progress in these critical sectors illustrates, the PRC’s predatory economic policies are succeeding. For a hundred years, America was the world’s largest manufacturer — allowing us to serve as the world’s “arsenal of democracy.”  China overtook the United States in manufacturing output in 2010. The PRC is now the world’s “arsenal of dictatorship.”

中国在这些关键领域的推进充分表明,中共国的掠夺式经济政策正逐步取得成功。过去一百年,美国一直是世界上最大的制造商,这令我们成为世界“民主兵工厂”。而在2010年,中国的制造业产出超过了美国。现在中共国成了世界“独裁兵工厂”。

How did China accomplish all this? No one should underestimate the ingenuity and industry of the Chinese people.  At the same time, no one should doubt that America made China’s meteoric rise possible. China has reaped enormous benefits from the free flow of American aid and trade. In 1980, Congress granted the PRC most-favored-nation trading status. In the 1990s, American companies strongly supported the PRC’s accession to the World Trade Organization and the permanent normalization of trade relations.  Today, U.S.-China trade totals about $700 billion. 

中国是如何做到这一切的?任何人都不应低估中国人民的才智和勤劳。同时,任何人都不应质疑是美国让中国的迅速崛起成为可能。中国从畅通无阻的美国援助和贸易中获得了巨大利益。1980年,国会授予中共国贸易最惠国地位。1990年代,美国公司强烈支持中共国加入世界贸易组织,并将贸易关系永久正常化。如今,美中贸易总额约为7000亿美元。

Last year, Newsweek ran a cover story titled “How America’s Biggest Companies Made China Great Again.” The article details how China’s communist leaders lured American business with the promise of market access, and then, having profited from American investment and know-how, turned increasingly hostile. The PRC used tariffs and quotas to pressure American companies to give up their technology and form joint ventures with Chinese companies. Regulators then discriminated against American firms, using tactics like holding up permits.  Yet few companies, even Fortune 500 giants, have been willing to bring a formal trade complaint for fear of angering Beijing.

去年,《新闻周刊》发表了一篇封面文章,名为《美国的大公司是如何让中国再次强大的》。这篇文章详细介绍了中共领导人如何许以市场准入来诱惑美国企业,但是在利用美国的投资和技术获利之后,(中共)变得越来越敌对。中共国利用关税和配额向美国公司施压,要求他们放开技术并与中国公司组建合资企业。然后,监管机构利用拖延颁发经营许可之类的手段歧视性对待美国公司。然而,出于害怕惹恼北京,很少有公司,甚至是《财富》500强企业,都不愿意提出正式的贸易投诉。

Just as American companies have become dependent on Chinese markets, the United States as a whole now relies on the PRC for many vital goods and services.  The COVID-19 pandemic has shone a spotlight on that dependency. For example, China is the world’s largest producer of certain protective equipment, such as face masks and medical gowns. In March, as the pandemic spread around the world, the PRC hoarded the masks for itself, blocking producers — including American companies — from exporting them to other countries that needed them.  It then attempted to exploit the shortage for propaganda purposes, shipping limited quantities of often defective equipment and then requiring foreign leaders to publicly thank Beijing for these shipments.

不光美国公司对中国市场的依赖,现在整个美国在很多关键产品和服务方面都依赖于中共国。新冠病毒疫情已经让人们看清了这种依赖程度。例如,中国是某些防护设备的全球最大生产国,如口罩和医疗防护服。当三月份疫情在全球的蔓延之时,中共国却囤积了口罩,并阻止包括美国公司在内的各生产商向其他急需口罩的国家出口。然后它又试图利用这种物资短缺的机会达到大外宣的目的,运送少量、且多有缺陷的防疫物资,借此要求外国领导人对北京的施舍公开表示感谢。

China’s dominance of the world market for medical goods goes beyond masks and gowns.  It has become the United States’ largest supplier of medical devices, while at the same time discriminating against American medical companies in China.  China’s government has targeted foreign firms for greater regulatory scrutiny, instructed Chinese hospitals to buy products made in China, and pressured American firms to build factories in China, where their intellectual property is more vulnerable to theft.  As one expert has observed, American medical device manufacturers are effectively “creating their own competitors.”

中国在世界医疗产品市场上的统治地位不仅限于口罩和防护服。它已成为美国最大的医疗设备供应商,但同时它歧视对待在华的美国医疗公司。中国政府针对外国公司设立更严格的监管审查,指使中国医院购买中国制造的产品,并向美国公司施压,要求它们在中国设厂,这样就更容易窃取他们的知识产权。据一位专家观察,美国医疗器械制造商实际上是在“给自己制造竞争对手”。

America also depends on Chinese supply chains in other vital sectors, especially pharmaceuticals.  America remains the global leader in drug discovery, but China is now the world’s largest producer of active pharmaceutical ingredients, known as “APIs.” As one Defense Health Agency official noted,“[s]hould China decide to limit or restrict the delivery of APIs to the [United States],” it “could result in severe shortages of pharmaceuticals for both domestic and military uses.”

美国在其它关键领域,尤其是医药制造方面,同样依赖中国供应链。美国在医药开发方面保持世界领先,但中国现在是全球最大的活性药物成分(API原料药)的生产商。正如一名国防卫生局官员曾指出的:“如果中国决定减少或限制向[美国]提供原料药,”这“可能会导致民用和军用药品的严重短缺。” 

To achieve dominance in pharmaceuticals, China’s rulers went to the same playbook they used to gut other American industries.  In 2008, the PRC designated pharmaceutical production as a “high-value-added-industry” and boosted Chinese companies with subsidies and export tax rebates. Meanwhile, the PRC has systematically preyed on American companies. American firms face well-known obstacles in the Chinese health market include drug approval delays, unfair pricing limitations, IP theft, and counterfeiting. Chinese nationals working as employees at pharma companies have been caught stealing trade secrets both in America and in China.  And the CCP has long engaged in cyber-espionage and hacking of U.S. academic medical centers and healthcare companies. 

为了在医药制造领域占据统治地位,中国的统治者使用了摧毁美国其他产业时一样的伎俩。2008年,中共国将医药生产定义为“高附加值产业”,用财政补贴和出口退税刺激中国公司生产。与此同时,中共国体系性地掠夺美国公司。美国公司在中国医疗保健市场遭遇到众所周知的阻挠,包括药品审批延迟、不公平价格限制、知识产权盗窃和假冒产品。无论在美国还是中国的制药公司,都有中国籍员工因盗窃商业秘密被捕。而中共长期以来一直从事针对美国学术医疗中心和医疗保健公司的网络间谍和黑客攻击活动。

In fact, PRC-linked hackers have targeted American universities and firms in a bid to steal the IP related to coronavirus treatments and vaccines, sometimes disrupting the work of our researchers.  Having been caught covering up the coronavirus outbreak, Beijing is desperate for a public relations coup, and may hope that it will be able to claim credit for any medical breakthroughs.

实际上,与中共国有关联的黑客已将美国各大学和公司作为攻击目标,以窃取与冠状病毒治疗和疫苗相关的知识产权,还经常扰乱我们研究人员的工作。由于对冠状病毒疫情的掩盖行径被揭发,北京迫切需要打一场公关翻身仗,同时也觊觎在医学领域有自己的一份对抗病毒的 “贡献”。

As all of these examples should make clear, the ultimate ambition of China’s rulers isn’t to trade with the United States.  It is to raid the United States. If you are an American business leader, appeasing the PRC may bring short-term rewards.  But in the end, the PRC’s goal is to replace you.  As a U.S. Chamber of Commerce report put it, “[t]he belief by foreign companies that large financial investments, the sharing of expertise and significant technology transfers would lead to an ever opening China market is being replaced by boardroom banter that win-win in China means China wins twice.”

所有这些实例都清楚地表明,中国统治阶层的终极野心不是与美国做贸易。而是掠夺美国。如果你是美国商界领导者,姑息中共国可能会带来短期回报。但最终,中共国的目标是取代你。正如美国商会的一份报告所述:“外国公司认为大规模金融投资、共享专业知识和重大技术转让会带来永久开放的中国市场的想法,已经变成了董事会的笑话:在中国的双赢,意思是中国赢两次。”

Although Americans hoped that trade and investment would liberalize China’s political system, the fundamental character of the regime has never changed.  As its ruthless crackdown of Hong Kong demonstrates once again, China is no closer to democracy today than it was in 1989 when tanks confronted pro-democracy protesters in Tiananmen Square.  It remains an authoritarian, one-party state in which the Chinese Communist Party wields absolute power, unchecked by popular elections, the rule of law, or an independent judiciary.  The CCP surveils its own people and assigns them social credit scores, employs an army of government censors, tortures dissidents, and persecutes religious and ethnic minorities, including a million Uighurs detained in indoctrination and labor camps.

尽管美国人希望贸易和投资能够让中国的政治体系走向自由,但该政权的本质从未改变。其对香港的残酷镇压再次表明,与1989年坦克在天安门广场镇压民主抗议者的时候相比,今天的中国未曾向民主迈进一步。它依旧是一党专制的独裁国家,中国共产党掌握绝对权力,不受民选、法治或独立司法的制约。中共监视其本国人民,用社会信用评分制度给他们打分,雇用政府审查大军,酷刑折磨异议人士,迫害宗教人士和少数民族,包括将一百万维吾尔人关押在劳动营里,并进行在思想灌输和改造。

If what happened in China stayed in China, that would be bad enough. But instead of America changing China, China is leveraging its economic power to change America. As this Administration’s China Strategy recognizes, “the CCP’s campaign to compel ideological conformity does not stop at China’s borders.” Rather, the CCP seeks to extend its influence around the world, including on American soil.

即使这些事情只发生在中国,也已经够恶劣了。但是,美国不但没能改变中国,中国反而正利用其经济实力来改变美国。如本届政府对中国战略认知所言:“中共强行统一意识形态的做法不仅限于中国境内。”相反,中共试图向全世界扩大其影响,包括美国本土。

All too often, for the sake of short-term profits, American companies have succumbed to that influence—even at the expense of freedom and openness in the United States. Sadly, examples of American business bowing to Beijing are legion.

为了短期利益,很多美国公司屈服于(中共的)影响,甚至不惜以美国的自由和开放为代价。可悲的是,这种美国企业向北京屈膝的例子不胜枚举。

Take Hollywood. Hollywood’s actors, producers, and directors pride themselves on celebrating freedom and the human spirit. And every year at the Academy Awards, Americans are lectured about how this country falls short of Hollywood’s ideals of social justice.  But Hollywood now regularly censors its own movies to appease the Chinese Communist Party, the world’s most powerful violator of human rights. This censorship infects not only the versions of movies that are released in China, but also many that are shown in United States’ theaters to American audiences.

就拿好莱坞为例。好莱坞演员、制片人和导演以颂扬自由和人文精神为荣。每年的奥斯卡颁奖典礼上,(他们)都会教育美国人,我们国家如何如何没能做到好莱坞(所宣扬)的社会正义理念。但是,好莱坞现在定期审查自己的电影作品,来避免惹怒中共这个世界上最大的人权侵犯者。这种审查不仅会影响在中国发行的版本,而且还会影响许多美国观众在美国影院看到的电影。

For example, the hit movie World War Z depicts a zombie apocalypse caused by a virus.  The original version of the film reportedly contained a scene with characters speculating that the virus may have originated in China. But the studio, Paramount Pictures, reportedly told producers to delete the reference to China in the hope of landing a Chinese distribution deal. The deal never materialized.

例如,热门电影《僵尸世界大战》描述了由某种病毒引起的僵尸末日。据报道,这部电影的最初版本中有一个场景,是主人公推测该病毒可能起源于中国。但据报道,派拉蒙影业公司的制片厂为了与中国签订发行合约,让制片人删除了跟中国相关的内容。(尽管如此)这笔交易最终也未能落实。

In the Marvel Studios blockbuster Dr. Strange, filmmakers changed the nationality of a major character known as the “Ancient One,” a Tibetan monk in the comic books, changed it from Tibetan to Celtic.  When challenged about this, a screenwriter explained that “if you acknowledge that Tibet is a place and that he’s Tibetan, you risk alienating one billion people.” Or as the Chinese government might say “[w]e’re not going to show your movie because you decided to get political.”

在漫威的大卖影片《奇异博士》中,电影制片人将原漫画中的西藏僧人、被称为“古一”的重要角色的民族从藏族改为凯尔特人。当受到质疑时,一位编剧解释说:“如果你承认西藏是一个(独立的)地方,承认他是个藏人,你就是在冒着疏远十亿人的风险。”或者,中国政府可能会说“因为你们牵涉政治,我们不能放映你的电影。”

These are just two examples of the many Hollywood films that have been altered, one way or another, to please the CCP. National Security Advisor O’Brien offered even more examples in his remarks.  But many more scripts likely never see the light of day, because writers and producers know not to even test the limits.  Chinese government censors don’t need to say a word, because Hollywood is doing their work for them.  This is a massive propaganda coup for the Chinese Communist Party.

这只是众多好莱坞电影为了取悦中共而做出这样那样修改的两个例子。国家安全顾问奥布莱恩在讲话中列举了更多例子。但是,因为作家和制作人知道甚至不能尝试触碰底线,很多剧本甚至连被看稿的机会都没了。中国政府的审查员什么都不用说,好莱坞会替他们把关。这是中共大外宣的巨大胜利。

The story of the film industry’s submission to the CCP is a familiar one. In the past two decades, China has emerged as the world’s largest box office. The CCP has long tightly controlled access to that lucrative market—both through quotas on American films, imposed in violation of China’s WTO obligations, and a strict censorship regime.  Increasingly, Hollywood also relies on Chinese money for financing.  In 2018, films with Chinese investors accounted for 20 percent of U.S. box-office ticket sales, compared to only 3 percent five years earlier.

电影行业臣服于中共的历史我们耳熟能详。在过去二十年里,中国已成为全球最大的票房市场。中共利用包括违反世贸组织规定的,强制给美国电影实行配额制度的做法,和严格的审查制度,长期牢固地把控着进入这个暴利市场的渠道。好莱坞也越来越多地依靠中国的资金支持。 2018年,中国投资者参与合作的电影占美国票房收入的20%,而五年前仅为3%。

But in the long run, as with other American industries, the PRC may be less interested in cooperating with Hollywood than in co-opting Hollywood—and eventually replacing it with its own homegrown productions. To accomplish this, the CCP has been following its usual modus operandi. By imposing a quota on American films, the CCP pressures Hollywood studios to form joint ventures with Chinese companies, who then gain U.S. technology and know-how.  As one Chinese film executive recently put it, “[e]verything we learned, we learned from Hollywood.” Notably, in 2019, eight of the 10 top-grossing films in China were produced in China.

但是从长远来看,与美国其他行业一样,中国对好莱坞兴趣不在于合作,而是利用好莱坞,并最终用其本土作品代替它。为了实现这一目标,中共一直在故伎重演。中共通过对美国电影强加配额制度,向好莱坞制片厂施压,要求他们与中国公司组建合资企业,并通过这些中国公司获取美国的技术和知识。正如一位中国电影界高管最近所说:“我们会的东西都是跟好莱坞学的。”值得注意的是,2019年,中国票房前十的电影中有八部是在中国制作的。

Hollywood is far from alone in kowtowing to the PRC. America’s big tech companies have also allowed themselves to become pawns of Chinese influence. 

向中共国叩头的远不止好莱坞一家。美国各大科技公司也在为中国的影响力鞍前马后。

In the year 2000, when the United States normalized trade relations with China, President Clinton hailed the new century as one in which “liberty will be spread by cell phone and cable modem.” Instead, over the course of the next decade, American companies such as Cisco helped the Chinese Communist build the Great Firewall of China—the world’s most sophisticated system for Internet surveillance and censorship.

当2000年美中实现贸易关系正常化时,克林顿总统曾热情宣布这将是一个“通过手机和有线互联网传播自由”的崭新世纪。然而事与愿违,在其后十年中,思科等美国公司帮中共打造了中国的防火墙,造就了世界上最复杂的网络监控和审查系统。

Over the years, corporations such as Google, Microsoft, Yahoo, and Apple have shown themselves all too willing to collaborate with the CCP.  For example, Apple recently removed the news app Quartz from its app store in China, after the Chinese government complained about the coverage of the Hong Kong democracy protests. Apple also removed apps for virtual private networks, which had allowed users to circumvent the Great Firewall, and eliminated pro-democracy songs from its Chinese music store.  Meanwhile, the company announced that it would be transferring some of its iCloud data to servers in China, despite concerns that the move would give the Communist Party easier access to e-mails, text messages, and other user information stored in the iCloud.

多年来,诸如谷歌、微软、雅虎和苹果等公司也表现出他们巴不得与中共合作。例如,在中国政府投诉了有关香港民主抗议活动的报道后,苹果最近将新闻应用程序Quartz从中国区商店下架。苹果还下架了可以让用户绕过防火墙使用的VPN,并从中国音乐商店中删除了支持民主的歌曲。与此同时,苹果公司不顾人们对共产党可以更轻松地访问云存储的电子邮件、文本消息和其他用户信息的担忧,宣布将其部分云数据转到中国境内的服务器。

Recently, we were able to get into two cell phones used by the al Qaeda terrorist who shot eight Americans at the Pensacola Naval Air Station and during the gun fight with him, he stopped, disengaged, put his cell phones down and tried to destroy them shooting a bullet into one of his two cell phones and we thought that suggested that there might be very important information about terrorist activities in those cell phones. And for four and a half months we tried to get in without any help at all from Apple. Apple failed to give us any help getting into those cell phones. We were ultimately able to get in through a fluke that we will not be able to reproduce in the future where we found communications with al Qaeda operatives in the Middle East up to the day before the attack. Do you think, when Apple sells phones in China, that Apple phones in China are impervious to penetration by Chinese authorities? They wouldn’t be sold if they were impervious to Chinese authorities. And what we’ve asked for is when we have a warrant from a court we should be able to get into those cell phones. That is the double standard that has been emerging among American tech companies.

就在最近,我们才打开了在彭萨科拉海军航空基地交战并开枪射击了八名美国人的基地组织恐怖分子用过的两部手机。这名恐怖分子在交火过程中停下来,并试图摧毁这两部手机,其中一部手机还被子弹击穿。我们当时认为,恐怖分子的举动表明这些手机里可能含有涉及恐怖活动的非常重要的信息。我们整整花了四个半月时间,试图让苹果公司提供帮助解锁这些手机,然而苹果没有提供任何帮助。我们最终还是侥幸的找到了解决办法,但是这种办法未来未必可以复制。我们在手机里找到了这位恐怖分子与基地组织在中东的特工之间的通信联络,包括直到袭击发生前一天的信息。那么,你认为当苹果在中国销售手机时,苹果手机不会被中国当局渗透吗?如果苹果公司拒绝中国当局的渗透,他们的手机就根本没法在中国继续出售。我们(对苹果公司)的要求是,当我们出示法院的授权令时,我们能够(得到苹果的帮助)来获取手机里的信息。事情证明这些美国科技公司(在美国和中国)使用的是双重标准。

The CCP has long used public threats of retaliation and barred market access to exert influence.  More recently, however, the CCP has also stepped up behind-the-scenes efforts to cultivate and coerce American business executives to further its political objectives — efforts that are all the more pernicious because they are largely hidden from public view. 

中共长期以来一直通过公开威胁报复和市场禁入的手段来施加影响。然而最近,中共也在加紧幕后动作,试图结交和胁迫美国企业高管以实现其政治目标。这些行为危害更大,因为很多活动都隐藏在人们的视线之外。

As China’s government loses credibility around the world, the Department of Justice has seen more and more PRC officials and their proxies reaching out to corporate leaders and inveighing them to favor policies and actions favored by the Chinese Communist Party.  Their objective varies, but their pitch is generally the same: the businessperson has economic interests in China, and there is a suggestion that things will go better (or worse) for them depending on their response to PRC’s request. Privately pressuring and courting American corporate leaders to promote policies (or U.S. politicians) presents a significant threat, because hiding behind American voices allows the Chinese government to elevate its influence campaigns and put a “friendly face” on its pro-regime policies. The legislator or policymaker who hears from these American businessmen is properly more sympathetic to that constituent than to a foreigner. And by masking its participation in our political process, the PRC avoids accountability for its influence efforts and the public outcry that might result, if its lobbying were exposed.

随着中国政府在全球范围内丧失信誉,司法部也看到中共官员及其代理人不断地与(美国)公司领导者接触,诱使他们拥护对中共有利的政策和行动。他们的目标各不相同,但其口径大同小异:(如果美国)商人在中国有经济利益,暗示他们这些利益向着好(或坏)的方向发展取决于他们如何回应中共国的要求。通过私下向美国公司领导层施压或讨好他们来推行政策(或美国政客),这些手段(对美国)造成了严重威胁,因为躲在美国人的声音背后,可以让中国政府在增加影响力同时,还能给亲共政策带上 “友善”的假面孔。比起一个外国人,立法者或政策制定者当然更认同作为选民的美国商界人士的意见。通过掩饰其对我国政治进程的参与,当中共国的游说行为被曝光时,它亦可以逃避其因试图影响(美国)而引起的公众抗议的责任。

America’s corporate leaders might not think of themselves as lobbyists.  You might think, for example, that cultivating a mutually beneficial relationship is just part of “guanxi” — or system of influential social networks—necessary to do business with the PRC. But you should be alert to how you might be used, and how your efforts on behalf of a foreign company or government could implicate the Foreign Agents Registration Act. FARA does not prohibit any speech or conduct. But it does require those who are acting as “agents” of foreign principals to publicly disclose that relationship and their political or other similar activities by registering with the Justice Department, allowing the audience to take into account the origin of the speech when evaluating credibility.

美国企业的领导层可能不认为自己是(中共的)说客。例如,你可能会认为,建立互惠只是与中共国开展业务所需的“关系”,即社会关系网,的一部分。但你要警惕你可能被利用,你代表一个外国公司或政府做出的努力可能触及《外国代理人注册法》。《外国代理人注册法》不对任何言论或行为进行限制。但要求在为外国主体做“代理人”时,需要在司法部注册,并公开披露与其的关系及其政治或其他类似活动,让听众在评估言论的可信度时将其演讲来源考虑在内。

By focusing on American business leaders, I don’t mean to suggest that they are the only targets of Chinese influence operations, but they are principal targets today of Chinese influence operations in the United States. The Chinese Communist Party also seeks to infiltrate, censor, or co-opt American academic and research institutions. For example, dozens of American universities host Chinese government-funded “Confucius Institutes,” which have been accused of pressuring host universities to silence discussion or cancel events on topics considered controversial by Beijing. Universities must stand up for each other; refuse to let the CCP dictate research efforts or suppress diverse voices; support colleagues and students who wish to speak their minds; and consider whether any sacrifice of academic integrity or freedom is worth the price of appeasing the CCP’s demands.

我说针对美国商界领导,并非意味着他们是中国影响力运作的唯一目标,但他们的确是中国当今在美国影响力运作的主要目标。中国共产党还试图渗透、审查或拉拢美国的学术和研究机构。例如,几十个美国大学开设了中国政府资助的“孔子学院”,这些学院被指控给所在大学施压,禁止讨论或取消举办北京认为有争议的主题活动。各大学必须站起来相互支持;拒绝中共对研究工作指手画脚或打压不同言论;支持希望发表自己看法的同行和学生;并斟酌以牺牲学术诚信或自由为代价满足中共要求的做法是否值得。

In a globalized world, American corporations and universities alike may view themselves as global citizens, rather than as American institutions. But they should remember that what allowed them to succeed in the first place was the American free enterprise system, the rule of law, and the security afforded by America’s economic, technological, and military strength.

身处全球化的世界中,美国各公司和大学或许都将自己看成是世界公民,而不是美国机构。但他们应该记住,让他们取得成功的首要因素是美国自由的企业制度、法制和由美国经济、技术和军事力量支撑的安全保障。

Globalization does not always point in the direction of greater freedom. A world marching to the beat of the Communist Chinese drums will not be a hospitable one for institutions that depend on free markets, free trade, or the free exchange of ideas.

全球化进程并非总是意味着更多自由。一个与中共步调一致的世界,并不欢迎那些依赖自由市场、自由贸易或自由思想交流的机构组织。

There was a time when American companies understood this. And they saw themselves as American and proudly defended American values.

过去,美国的公司曾深知这一点。他们视自己为美国人,并自豪地捍卫着美国价值。

In World War II, for example, the iconic American company, Disney, made dozens of public information films for the government, including training videos to educate American sailors on navigation tactics. During the war, over 90 percent of Disney’s employees were devoted to the production of training and public information films.  To boost the morale of America’s troops, Disney also designed insignia that appeared on planes, trucks, flight jackets, and other military equipment used by American and Allied forces.

例如,在第二次世界大战中,美国标志性公司迪斯尼为政府制作了数十部公共宣传片,包括向美国士兵教授航海战略的培训视频。战争期间,迪斯尼公司90%以上的员工致力于制作培训和公共宣传片。为了提振美军士气,迪斯尼公司还设计了徽章,装点在美军和盟军使用的飞机、卡车、飞行夹克和其他军事装备上。

I suspect Walt Disney would be disheartened to see how the company he founded deals with foreign dictatorships today. When Disney produced Kundun, the 1997 film about the PRC’s oppression of the Dalai Lama, the CCP objected to the project and pressured Disney to abandon it.  Ultimately, Disney decided that it couldn’t let a foreign power dictate whether it would distribute a movie in the United States.

我猜如果沃尔特·迪斯尼看到他创立的公司是如何应对当今的外国独裁政权时,他一定会感到很沮丧。1997年,迪斯尼公司创作了《达赖的一生》,这是一部讲述中共国对达赖喇嘛的迫害的电影。中共提出反对,并对迪斯尼公司施压放弃该影片。终于,迪斯尼公司决定不能由外国势力左右一部电影是否在美国发行。

But that moment of courage wouldn’t last. After the CCP banned all Disney films in China, the company lobbied hard to regain access.  The CEO apologized for Kundun, calling it a “stupid mistake.” Disney then began courting the PRC to open a $5.5 billion theme park in Shanghai. As part of that deal, Disney agreed to give the Chinese government officials a role in management. Of the park’s 11,000 full-time employees, 300 are active members of the Communist Party and they reportedly display hammer-and-sickle insignia at their desks and attend Party lectures at the facility during business hours.

但那时的勇气并未传承。当中共禁止所有迪斯尼电影在华发行时,该公司艰难游说以期重新获得准入。其首席执行官为《达赖的一生》事件道歉,称其为“愚蠢的错误’’。迪斯尼公司随后开始巴结中共国,要在上海投资55亿美元建造主题公园。作为交易的一部分,迪斯尼公司同意让中国政府官员参与管理。在该主题公园1.1万名全职雇员中,有300人是中共党员。据报道他们办公桌上摆着“锤子镰刀”党徽,并且在工作时间在迪斯尼乐园里参加党组织的讲座。

Like other American companies, Disney may eventually learn the hard way the cost of compromising its principles. Soon after Disney opened its park in Shanghai, a Chinese-owned theme park popped up a couple hundred miles away featuring characters that, according to news reports, looked suspiciously like Snow White and other Disney trademarks.

像其他美国公司一样,迪斯尼公司最终可能尝到在原则问题上妥协的惨痛代价。其上海的主题公园开业后不久,几百英里外突然冒出一个中国人开的主题公园,据新闻报道,其角色看上去疑似白雪公主及其他迪斯尼卡通人物。

American companies must understand the stakes. The Chinese Communist Party thinks in terms of decades and centuries, while we tend to focus on the next quarter’s earnings report. But if Disney and other American corporations continue to bow to Beijing, they risk undermining both their own future competitiveness and prosperity, as well as the classical liberal order that has allowed them to thrive. During the Cold War, Lewis Powell — later Justice Powell — sent an important memorandum to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. He noted that the free enterprise system was under unprecedented attack, and urged American companies to do more to preserve it.  “[T]he time has come,” he said, “indeed, it is long overdue—for the wisdom, ingenuity and resources of American business to be marshaled against those who would destroy it.”

美国公司必须明白其中的风险。中国共产党思考问题着眼于几十年和数百年,而我们倾向于关注下一个季度收益报告。但是,如果迪斯尼和其他美国公司继续向北京低头,就可能损害其自身的未来竞争力和繁荣前景,以及让它们蓬勃发展的传统自由秩序。冷战期间,路易斯·鲍威尔,即后来的鲍威尔大法官,向美国商会发出了一份重要的备忘录。他指出自由企业制度正在承受前所未有的攻击,并敦促美国公司采取行动来保护这个制度。他说:“是时候了,事实上,早就应该将美国商界的智慧、独创力和资源整合起来,来对抗那些想要毁掉这个体系的人。”

So too today.  The American people are more attuned than ever to the threat that the Chinese Communist Party poses not only to our way of life, but to our very lives and livelihoods.  And they will increasingly call out corporate appeasement.

今天亦是如此。美国人民比以往任何时候都更加意识到中国共产党的威胁,不仅针对我们的生活方式,而且还是对我们的人生和生计的威胁。他们将越来越多地对企业的绥靖做法提出批评质疑。

If individual companies are afraid to make a stand, there is strength in numbers.  As Justice Powell wrote: “Strength lies in organization, in careful long-range planning and implementation, in consistency of action over an indefinite period of years, in the scale of financing available only through joint effort, and in the political power available only through united action and national organizations.” Despite years of acquiescence to communist authorities in China, America’s tech companies may finally be finding their courage through collective action. Following the recent imposition of the PRC’s draconian national security law in Hong Kong, many big tech companies, including Facebook, Google, Twitter, Zoom, and LinkedIn, reportedly announced that they would temporarily suspend compliance with government requests for user data. True to form, communist officials have threatened imprisonment for noncompliant company employees. We will see if these companies hold firm. And how long they hold firm. And I hope they do. If they stand together, they will provide a worthy example for other American companies in resisting the Chinese Communist Party’s corrupt and dictatorial rule.

如果单个公司害怕站出来,那人多力量大。正如鲍威尔大法官写道:“力量来自于组织,有长期周密的规划和实施,有长年的一致行动,有通过共同努力才能得到的融资规模,以及有通过联合行动和全国性的统一组织才能获得的政治力量。”尽管多年无奈地忍受着中共当局,美国各科技公司可以通过集体行动最终找到他们的勇气。据报道,在近日中共国对香港实施严酷的国安法之后,许多大型科技公司,包括脸书、谷歌、推特、Zoom及领英都宣布将暂停遵守提供用户数据给政府的要求。不出所料,中共官员仍旧威胁要将不配合的公司员工进行关押。我们拭目以待这些公司能否坚持立场,并且能坚持多久。我希望他们能做到。如果他们团结一致,将为其他美国公司树立一个抵制中国共产党腐败和独裁统治的良好榜样。

The CCP has launched an orchestrated campaign, across all of its many tentacles in Chinese government and society, to exploit the openness of our institutions in order to destroy them. To secure a world of freedom and prosperity for our children and our grandchildren, the free world will need its own version of a whole-of-society approach, in which the public and private sectors maintain their separation but work together collaboratively to resist domination and to win the contest for the commanding heights of the global economy. America has done that before. And if we rekindle our love and devotion for our country and each other, I am confident that we—the American people, the American government, and American business together—can do it again. Our freedom depends on it.

中共通过其政府和社会的各个触角发动了一场精心策划的战争,并利用我们机构的开放性来摧毁它们。为了确保我们的子孙后代拥有一个自由和繁荣的世界,自由世界需要有自己的全社会方法,既让公共和私营部门保持基本不同,又能协同合作,来对抗统治,并在全球经济制高点的竞赛中获胜。美国曾经做到过。如果我们重新燃起对我们国家和彼此的爱与忠诚,我坚信,我们,作为美国人民、美国政府和美国企业,凝聚在一起,必将再次成功。我们的自由取决于此。

出处:Attorney General Barr’s Remarks on China Policy at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Museum

翻译:【GM65】【GM12】  校对整理:【噜噜咪】 字幕:【Naomi (文花开)】 编辑:【GM31】

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