Author: Mr. 3Rights
Proofreading: Kyle W
Summary: The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has sought and continues to exert control over every stage of the election process. While the preferred means and methods of influencing candidate selection and manipulating ballots have varied over time and in subtlety, the end goal remains the same – the creation and maintenance of the farce of democratic elections in China to deceive the Chinese people, manipulate public opinion, and ensure the success of sinister party initiatives.
While the CCP claims to have fair democratic elections for its officials, who are supposedly elected by the Chinese people, the sad reality is that the outcomes have long since been determined by the Party. Instead of representing the interests of people, the CCP election machine simply seeks to perpetuate and consolidate Party control while deceiving both the nation’s citizens and the rest of the world. Though the CCP has a hand in almost all elections within the country, we will examine specifically the case of the National People’s Congress (NPC), which has the power to make laws, review budgets and finalize accounts, and elect and appoint legislative bodies, state and government leaders.
At face value, each deputy elected to the National People’s Congress needs to be recommended by ten people. In its endless appetite for control, the CCP has over time slowly squeezed the last vestiges of fairness and integrity from the process, constricting and binding the NPC to its will.
In the 1980s, there were more or less formal elections; even though the requirements for candidates were much more lax – they only needed to submit resumes and were not required to make speeches or meet with voters – at least they went through the motions. After the 1990s, CCP scrapped entirely the notion of ballot elections, and simply assigned the candidates. While there were elections in a few districts, voters had no knowledge regarding the candidates, making them mere formalities. A few years ago, the Shanghai regional elections became a joke as a consequence. As voters were fed up with these assigned candidates, they chose to vote for a well-known AV actress, Sola Aoi, as a deputy to the National People’s Congress. Electoral authorities were not amused, grinding the election to a halt and declaring a new one.
What if you were not the person recommended by the party? What if you convinced ten people to nominate you for the election? In 2011, Liu Ping and Wei Zhongping, two activists from Xinyu, Jiangxi province, announced that they would participate in the election of deputies to the National People’s Congress. After being recommended by 218 villagers, they were summoned, followed, threatened, and imprisoned by the local police of the CCP. That same year, a famous football commentator, Li Chengpeng, announced his candidacy in Chengdu. The Communist authorities treated him slightly more cautiously due to his celebrity status, sending neighborhood committee officials to his house every day in order to persuade him to withdraw from the election. As such, he could not live a normal life, with neighbors and surrounding residents receiving constant threats from officials against nominating him. Finally, Li had to concede. Probably no more than ten people have been elected in this way so far, but each step of the way the CCP has worked to contain and limit their influence, or have threatened, framed, or imprisoned them. Ultimately, no matter the number of people available to back them, outsider candidates can never pass the finish line.
The tentacles of CCP control and hierarchy continue to grip tightly long after election to the NPC, especially for those seeking to move into a leadership role. First, Higher Party organizations carefully and secretly select candidates and nominate them. Then, the main members of the previous congress form a temporary body called the Presidium, which takes orders from the Party at the next higher level. The Presidium formally submits candidates to the NPC deputies. To ensure that everything moves according to the plan, all deputies to the NPC are divided into groups by region, and a provisional Party organization is set up within each group. Since more than 70 percent of the deputies to the People’s Congress are CCP members, the provisional Party organization controls this group to ensure that the elections are held in accordance with the Party’s will.
As a final stopgap to exert complete control over election results and to pay lip service to the so-called “common aspiration of the people,” the CCP also closely scrutinizes the final vote monitoring and counting of votes. The Presidium may come up with a fully complicit scrutineer leader and scrutineer group, all firmly loyal to the CCP. It is then passed by a show of hands by the assembly delegates, during which the president of the assembly would ask in a farcical, near-rhetorical manner, “Objectors, please raise your hands”. Under the eyes of the public, facing the despotic power of the CCP, who would dare to raise their hands?
Adding insult to injury, the CCP will verbally instruct tellers to ignore the dissenting votes or limit the dissenting votes to such a small and predetermined quota in order to create the illusion an election by a unanimous vote or by a large majority, or reflective of the will of the people. This is how CCP leaders such as Xi Jinping and others were elected.
The CCP has yet to specify how long votes should be kept. Ballot papers are destroyed immediately after the election. There are no cameras to watch the votes being counted. Elections cannot be audited even if someone dared to challenge them.
The elections of totalitarian regimes such as those in North Korea or Venezuela and that of Saddam Hussein are remarkably similar to that of the CCP. We have seen that the characteristics of American election fraud share many similarities as well. However, compared with the calculated, heavily refined, domestic tactics the CCP has deployed in internal elections, it simply pales in comparison.
In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the election of the National People’s Congress of the CCP was still competitive, albeit still slightly contrived. A certain candidate was selected internally, and a person without reputation and popularity was selected as a foil to “simulate” democracy. However, in the election for the governor of Zhejiang province in 1993, Ge Hongsheng, the official candidate appointed by the central government, was defeated, and Wan Xueyuan, the foil candidate, ended up winning the election. Three days later, something similar happened in Guizhou province, where the delegates jointly nominated and elected Chen Shineng as their candidate against Wang Chaowen, the candidate designated by the central government. Since then, the CCP has abolished competitive elections and the lip service of foil candidates. As a warning to others, CCP leadership ensured that Wan Xueyuan and Chen Shineng later had very difficult political careers. The CCP would never again allow such out-of-control elections, in which the people had an opportunity to rebel and rebuke central party directives and desires, to happen again.
Meanwhile, the CCP is certainly not above employing even more underhanded tactics to remove undesirable candidates. According to the relevant electoral law of the CCP, a candidate may run if he or she receives nominations from more than 20. In 2011, one such case occurred in which 43-year-old Cao Tian, a successful property developer, announced his candidacy for mayor of Zhengzhou and voluntarily set aside 100 million yuan as a security deposit for a clean government. He posted a declaration and outline of his election campaign on his blog. Naturally, the CCP was extremely displeased with such a rebellious act against party orthodoxy. The Zhengzhou Municipal Committee of the CCP immediately set up a joint investigation team consisting of the Land and Resources Bureau, the Public Security Bureau, and the Tax Bureau to investigate illegal activities such as tax evasion and bribery within Cao’s property business. Seven days after he announced his candidacy, Cao Tian had to leave Zhengzhou and became a fugitive. In the end, his company was fined more than 30 million yuan by the tax authorities, and he shut down his business and left, his whereabouts still unknown. No one has ever tried again.
Furthermore, the CCP continues to refine its approach in crushing dissent and democracy in an ever more efficient manner. During an election by the National People’s Congress to elect Jiang Zemin as the president of the People’s Republic of China, there were angry delegates who filled ballots for Song Zuying and Li Ruiying, who were rumored to be Jiang’s lovers. The room erupted in jeers as the announcer read the names of the two women. When Xi Jinping came to power, the delegates had neither the opportunity nor the courage to entertain themselves in this way as soldiers were stationed within the venue at election time and openly threatened delegates at gunpoint.
The National People’s Congress election is the most important election outside the CCP’s internal elections. If the NPC election experiences such manipulation and interference, we need even consider the chicanery and deception that impregnates the many others under the thumb of the CCP. Thirty years ago, while the Chinese people fought against the CCP’s fake elections to a degree as they completely defied the will of the people, today they have grown steadily numb and accustomed to the sad state of election affairs. The citizenry in some cases have been gaslighted and brainwashed to such a degree that it has become active in cooperating and even praising the CCP’s atrocities under the guise of national pride and unity. This is indeed the misfortune of the Chinese people!
Meanwhile, the pathetic, parasitic CCP members strut on stages in fulsome suits while giving speeches as empty as their hearts. Wolves in sheeps’ clothing, they pretend to be what they are not, operating surreptitiously and subverting public opinion, using the instrument of the state to carve out the organs of the Chinese people in their shameless pursuit of self-preservation. Through every dark machination and corrupt resource available to them, they seek to continue the charade and shared delusion of the Emperor’s New Clothes, not only to deceive the Chinese people, but also the entire world regarding the greatest oxymoron of our time: “Chinese Democracy”. Without revolutionary change, elections in China today are little more than stories “told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.”
In the history of China, there has never been a widespread democratic election in the true sense. It will take the effort of several generations to enable the Chinese people to have and cherish the right of orderly, democratic elections in accordance with universal rules.