By GM77 – 2020-09-10 20:08
Compiled by peacelv, Wen Kenney; Translator: Qiwang Mingtian Hui Genghao; Reviewer: Wencheng
In the summer of 2019, as many as two million people marched in Hong Kong’s anti-extradition law protest activity. Since then, the Hong Kong democratic protest movement has officially started. If we examine it carefully, we will find that this is not a sudden event, but the inevitable result of the long-term suppression of the Hong Kong people’s Democratic appeal.
We need to re-understand the historical changes of Hong Kong’s democratic system from the beginning of the British colony until its return to Chinese Communist Party in 1997. Only by learning from history can we truly understand the evil nature of the Red Chinese Communist Party regime.. However, we can be sure that the combating and suffering of the people of Hong Kong at this moment are doomed at the moment while they return to the CCP.
1. Hong Kong’s democratic system looks impressive but is worthless, and the CCP from underground moves forward to the front
Since the handover of sovereignty over Hong Kong 23 years ago, Hong Kong has not really implemented universal suffrage for its chief executive. The incumbent Chief Executive, Carrie Lam, was elected by an election committee composed of 1,200 people from different sectors.
Regarding the election of Hong Kong Legislative Council members, half of the seats are directly elected by ordinary voters, and the other half is called “functional constituency” voters. They must be representatives of various industries such as business and finance sectors. What a sigh feeling is that many groups are controlled by the pro-Beijing organizational structure faction.
Whether it is the election committee that elects the Chief Executive or the members of the “functional constituency” Legislative Council, the Hong Kong pan-democratic camp believes that these seats lack the direct participation of all Hong Kong voters and cannot broadly represent Hong Kong’s public opinion.
The current Election Committee, comprising 1,200 members, was established through the reform of Hong Kong’s political system in 2012, representing 38 “sub-sectors” of the Hong Kong community. Among them, 300 members come from the industrial, commercial and financial sectors, 300 from the professional sectors, 300 from the labour, social services and religious sectors, and the remaining 300 from the political sector, including members of the Legislative Council, representatives of regional organizations, Hong Kong deputies to the National People’s Congress and Hong Kong members of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference. In general, the Election Committee is formed about three months before the Chief Executive election. The Election Committee nominates and votes for the Chief Executive, who is then submitted to the Central Government for appointment. However, out of the 5 million eligible voters in Hong Kong, only some 200,000 could vote for their representatives in the Election Committee election. Due to the lack of representativeness of the Election Committee, the entire election of the Chief Executive was considered unrepresentative, and was even deemed to be a fake election, i.e. an election in name only.
Half of the seats in the Legislative Council election are directly elected by ordinary voters, and the other half are called “functional constituencies.” Although pan-democratic elections usually have an advantage in direct elections, general functional constituencies are usually controlled by the organizational structure faction.
Hong Kong’s judicial independence is established in name only in the Basic Law. Let us take a look at some of the provisions in the Basic Law. Article 2 of the Basic Law stipulates that Hong Kong has the right to enjoy independent judicial right and the right of final adjudication in accordance with the provisions of the Basic Law;
Article 19 stipulates that Hong Kong enjoys independent judicial rights; Article 85 provides that the court shall conduct trials independently without any interference. But, since the return of Hong Kong back to CCP, the CCP has secretly infiltrated Hong Kong’s administration, judiciary, and legislation. It also maintains Hong Kong’s judicial independence in name. However, since last year Hong Kong intend to pass the “2019 Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Law (Revision)” From the Bill to the bloody suppression of Hong Kong’s anti-extraction activity triggered by the disturbance of the amendments, to the Hong Kong version of the National Security Law that began to be implemented in July 2020, the CCP has been torn off the mask of disguise.
Furthermore, on September 7, 2020, the spokesperson of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council of the Communist Party of China directly proposed that the “separation of powers” as a political system model has specific meaning.
The constitutional system of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) determines that its political system is not suitable for a simple imitation of a sovereign state, and it is impossible to implement “separation of powers” on the basis of the complete power of a sovereign state. The “separation of powers” has never existed in Hong Kong either.
Therefore, the undermining of the Basic Law of Hong Kong by the Chinese Communist Party has moved from the back to the front stage.
2. An extraordinary combat for democracy, Hong Kong achieves Chinese Jerusalem
On 31 August 2014, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of the Communist Party of China formally adopted the “Decision of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress on the Issue of Universal Suffrage for the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and on the Method for the Formation of the Legislative Council in 2016”, which sets out the framework for the method for implementing universal suffrage for the Chief Executive in 2017.
The nominating committee must be composed in accordance with the provisions of the Election Committee for the fourth term of the Chief Executive, with the number of members maintained at 1,200, and the number of candidates for the Chief Executive election is set at two to three, with each candidate having to obtain nominations from a majority of the nominating committee in order to become a formal candidate.
The threshold is four times that of the original 1/8 members of the Election Committee; as for the division of the various sectors of the Proposal Committee, and which organizations within each sector can produce committee members, it can be handled at the local legislative level.
At the same time, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress also stipulated that the 2016 Hong Kong Legislative Council election method should not be revised. The 2012 Hong Kong Legislative Council election model must be followed. This means that the functional constituency seats that have been abolished by the pan-democrats will not be reduced, and all seats will be retained. This resolution aroused strong dissatisfaction with the Pan Democratic Party and Hong Kong citizens who are fighting for democracy.
The Umbrella Movement marched on September 26, 2014 and ended on December 15. This is a series of civil disobedience campaigns in Hong Kong for true universal suffrage.
From October to December 2015, employees of Hong Kong’s Causeway Bay Bookstore, known for selling political books, disappeared one after another, and they were all confirmed to be detained in China. The people of Hong Kong are worried that the Chinese government’s move is undermining the freedom of speech and personal freedom enjoyed by Hong Kong under one country, two systems.
In January 2016, the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China initiated a march to the Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and asked the Chinese government to confess the whereabouts of five people. The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China stated that there were more than 6,000 participants.
In early 2016, the founder of Causeway Bay Bookstore, Lin Rongji, appeared publicly accompanied by Hong Kong democratic members in June 2016, overturning the previous statement, telling the actual situation of detention and torture, and obtaining support from the democrats, The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements (HKASPDMC) and other organizations to initiate demonstrations. In 2019, the Hong Kong government proposed to amend the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance. Lin Rongji worried that he would be sent back to China again and when he came to Taiwan, hoping to settle in Taiwan.
In February 2019, the Hong Kong government proposed amendments to the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance and the Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Ordinance, which deleted the original provisions stipulating that the extradition law does not apply to restrictions on mainland China, Macau and Taiwan. The amendments originated from a homicide in Taiwan 2018, because Taiwan andHong Kong did not have mutual legal assistance or extradition agreements, the Hong Kong suspect who killed his girlfriend in Taiwan could not be extradited to Taiwan for trial. The Hong Kong government believes that there are loopholes in the law and there is a need to amend the law.
If the amendment gets passed, the Chief Executive of Hong Kong will be able to submit a single case to the defendant (not limited to Hong Kong people, foreigners in Hong Kong can also be transferred), no longer under the supervision of the Legislative Council or the court. Although the transfer is subject to due process and the charges do not include political crimes, opponents who do not trust the rule of law in China worry that the amendment will shake Hong Kong’s judicial independence guaranteed by Hong Kong’s Basic Law.
Under the influence of the Chinese government, the Hong Kong government may extradite political prisoners to mainland China for trial under other names. The amendment is called the “Anti-Send to China Ordinance” by Hong Kong people.
Political groups were the first to speak out in March, organizing “Anti-Send to China Ordinance” marches. Public opinion of the “Anti-Send to China Ordinance” rose in each march, and the Hong Kong government’s attitude went from perfunctory indifference to the use of force, eventually evolving into a massive social movement with multiple million-strong marches and ongoing clashes between protesters and police across Hong Kong.” The slogan “Restoration of HK, Revolution of the Age” will be the slogan of 2019.
3. Eliminate the Chinese Communist Party regime and return to a free, democratic and rule of law Hong Kong
Since the return of Hong Kong to the Chinese Communist Party regime in 1997, the transparency and independence of Hong Kong’s legislation, judiciary, and administration have been greatly undermined. The Hong Kong government and the Chinese Communist government never thought of solving problems from the people’s perspective. Instead, they crazily suppressed Hong Kong people’s democratic appeal through the state machinery, until today’s situation was created. All of this result is caused by the CCP’s dictatorship and imperial power mindset.
The Chinese Communist Party in power is always only interested in taking advantage of Hong Kong’s special FTA status and its status as an international financial center to steal more benefits for the family of thieves, to help the Chinese Communist Party infiltrate and internet and money and sexul Western countries, and to consistently to ignore to the demands of the people, suppressing and killing them.
The five thousand years of history in China tells us that water can carry and overturn a boat. With democracy, freedom and the rule of law becoming the mainstream of the world, with the Hong Kong people’s resolute actions to resist the CCP, with the Whistleblowers’ Movement, and combine the power with global justice and anti-CCP, the CCP red regime is now shaky. The most important thing the editor wants to say is that only by take down the CCP the people of Hong Kong gain true democracy and freedom.